sOd 


# 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


A 


^tf 
^-V^'. 


1.0 


I.I 


I  ,^  Ilia 


tii 


2.0 


1.8 


1.25 

1.4       1.6 

4 6" 

'-^ 

V2 


^ 


/2 


C?^^/        .  <% 


^^ 


■^  '#•  J>> 


'/ 


/A 


&. 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corpordtic5ii 


n  V.'EST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  873-4503 


CIHM/:CMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  canadien  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checlted  below. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibl'ographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  methods  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqu6s  ci-dessous. 


n 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


□    Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommag6e 


□    Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurie  et/ou  pel!icul6e 


D 


□ 


D 


Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


□    Coloured  maps/ 
Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 

□    Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  uu  noire) 

□    Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

□    Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avac  d'autret  documents 


Tight  binding  may  cause  shedows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serr^e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intirieurct 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajouties 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6X6  filmdes. 


n    Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag^es 

□    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaur6es  et/ou  pellicul6es 

0    Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  d6color6es,  tachet^es  ou  piqudes 

□    Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ddtachdes 

HShowthrough/ 
Transparence 

□    Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Quality  in6gale  de  I'impression 

□    Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  matdriel  supplimentaire 

□    Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


D 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6t6  film6es  6  nouveau  de  fa9on  6 
obtenir  la  mailleure  image  possible. 


D 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  supplAme.itaires; 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  i\\m6  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

_y 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  fitmad  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 


L'exemplaire  filmA  fut  reproduit  grAce  A  la 
gAnArositA  de: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Las  images  suivantas  ont  4t6  reprodultes  avec  la 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettetA  de  l'exemplaire  filmA,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, ard  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimAe  sont  filmAs  en  commen^ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  so't  par  la 
derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmis  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  ^^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED "),  or  the  symbol  V  (meaning   "END  "), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  -^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
filmds  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  film6  A  partir 
de  I'angle  supirieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n6cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mithode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

I 


CdUectiorv 


\ 


'i\ 


11 


SPEECH 


OF 


ME.  TRUMAN  SMITH,  OF  CONN. 


ON 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 


I! 


I 


Delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.j  February  1th,  1846. 


WASHINGTON. 

J.  4  O.  S.  GIDEON,  PRINTERS. 
1846. 


lUop 


1 1  ri 


Th 

rcsoli 

toGr 

■ ernin 

;nuMli 

M 
M 

havi' 
tee  0 
cons 
arisii 
lice  i 
com  I 
conti 
claie 
ed  li' 
two  ( 
autlu 
poses 
by  tl) 
be  so 
shall 
week 
my  i 

Tl 
ment 
venti 
Years 
bays, 
open 
powe 
dec  la 
them 

In 
deCmi 
at  an 

IJil 
of  ac( 
nes  (I 
«efll(' 

ll  i 
Hated 
•mm 


SPEECH. 


The.  Hmise  bein^  in  Committee  of  the  Wliole,  and  havin;;  undrr  ronsj.leration  tlie  joint 
resolution  reported  l)y  tlic  Couiniiltcc  on  Foreii^n  Affairs,  directini;;  the  Pn-sidcut  to  ;;ive  notice 
to  Gri'ut  Britain  that  thr  United  StiXtes  will  tcrniinatc  the  (lonvemion  l)Ct\veen  the  two  Gov- 
erninenlH,  providing  for  the  joint  occupatif)n  of  tlic  Oreffon  territory,  at  the  expiration  of  twelve 
jnontliH — 

Mr.  TRUMAN  SMITH,  of  Connecticut,  obtained  the  lloor,  and  said- 
Mr.  Chairman:  I  do  not,  know  that  it  will  be  in  my  power  to  aid  essen- 
tially the  deliberations  of  the  committee  on  this  important  subject.  But 
having,  unexpectedly  to  myself,  been  constituted  a  member  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Foreign  AlTUirs,  having  turned  my  attention  most  anxiously  to  the 
consideration  of  the  present  critical  state  of  our  relations  with  Great  Britain , 
arising  from  the  Oregon  controversy,  and  particularly  to  the  question  of  no- 
tice involved  in  the  resolution  on  your  tal)le,  I  ask  the  indulgence  of  the 
conmiittee  while  I  give  an  exposition  of  the  reasons  and  motives  which  will 
control  my  action  on  the  present  occasion.  I  am  the  more  desirous  to  de- 
clare my  sentiments,  because,  from  the  outset  of  the  session,  1  have  indulg- 
ed lively  apprehensions  that  this  unfortunate  controversy  would  involve  the 
two  r-oiuitries  in  a  collision  at  no  distant  day.  I  did  not  doubt  but  that  the 
authu.  lies  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic  entertained,  in  a  general  form,  pur- 
poses oi  a  pacific  ailjustment,  but  I  feared  that  one  or  both  of  them  would, 
by  the  current  of  events,  be  swept  into  a  position  from  which  retreat  would 
be  so  difficult  as  to  render  a  conflict  certain.  Unless  wiser  and  better  counsels 
shall  prevail  at  both  ends  of  the  avenue,  than  those  which  tlie  last  few 
weeks  have  made  manifest,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  will,  in 
my  judgment,  within  a  brief  space,  find  itself  in  that  category. 

The  territory  of  Oregon  has  been  in  dispute  between  the  two  Govern- 
ments ever  since  181S.  Not  being  able  to  adjust  it  then,  they,  by  the  con- 
vention of  that  year,  in  ellect,  agreed  to  adjourn  it  over  forlht;  period  of  ten 
years,  providing,  in  substance,  that  the  country  of  Oregon,  with  its  harbors, 
ba\s,  and  creeks,  and  the  navigation  of  all  rivtMs  within  the  same,  should  be 
open  for  the  period  nam(Hl,  to  the  vessels,  subjects,  and  citizens  of  the  two 
powers,  reserving  the  rights  of  any  other  stiJe  or  power  to  the  territory,  and 
declaring  that  their  sole  object  was  to  prevent  disputes  and  dillerences  among 
themselves. 

In  1827  it  was  deeminl  expedient  to  extend  the  convention  of  1818  in- 
definitely, with  the  proviso  that  cither  party  might  abrogate  the;  convention 
at  any  time  after  the  20th  of  Oct.,  1828,  on  giving  twelve  months'  notice. 

Under  these  conventions  the  citizens  of  both  countries  ac(iuired  the  right 
of  access;  to  the  waters  (»f  Orcjoii — the  right  of  conunerce  with  the  aljorigi- 
nes  (if  the  couuiry ,  and  the  liolit-  "f  entering  <in  the  tmritory,  and  of  m;iLing 
fictllcmc'nts  at  pleasure. 

It  is  said  that  ijie  com cnlions  of  1S18,  and  1827,  should  not  be  denomi- 
nat(!d  treaties  of  joiul  occiipaiion;  but  such  is  the  character  which  botliGov- 
ernments  have  given  to  them  fur  many  years,  it  is  now  too  late  to  recede; 


1 


l.Ni 


iind,  besides,  I  do  not  ?cc  how  a  inoro  cliani^c  of  pliraseology  can  vary  the 
die  rif!fl»(K  of  <^ ileal  IJiilain  or  the  I'nited  States. 

I  s'i;>|)ose  that,  both  ])arties  liave  enjoyed  ih<'  riLrliis  of  roninicrcial  intpr- 
conrso  over  the  wliolc  territory — American  citizens  in  some  deij^rce — British 
subjects  nnich  more;  but  in  the  matter  of  selth;inents  tlie  parties  have  so  ex- 
ercised (iieir  riiihts,  I'lat  Great,  Ihilaiii  may  now  b*;  said  to  l)e  sidistantially  in 
possession  of  all  the  territory  north  of  the  Cohimbia  river,  and  we  of  all 
south  of  the  same  river. 

[  am  of  the  o])inion  thtil  British  subjects  are  in  the  enjoyment  of  more 
of  the  territory  in  dispute  tluui  their  CTOverimient,  on  a  fair  consideration  of 
its  pretensions,  can  juslly  ciaii^.?;  and  I  will  uphold  the  existinjr  Administra- 
tion in  all  suitable  efforts  to  vindicate  the  Ameriian  claim,  and  to  reduce 
the  possessions  of  («reat  Britain  lo  their  proper  limits. 

No  meml)(M'  of  this  committee,  nor  citi/en  of  the  country,  can  be  more 
deeply  impressed  than  i  am  with  the  necessity  of  ljrino;ing'  this  controversy 
lo  a  speedy  close.  The  irritation  exislini;,  both  here  and  in  Great  Britain, 
is  getting  to  be  excessive.  It  will  assume  a  more  and  more  aggravated 
form.  And  the  affair  will  result  in  the  most  disastrous  conse([uences,  un- 
less it  is  prom])lly  adjusted. 

It  is  now  pro])osed  to  give  liic  notice  ]irovidcd  for  by  llie  convention  o'i 
1S27,  and  t'  -resolution  on  your  table  d(;clares,  that  the  President  should 
forthwith  take  the  proper  steps  to  abrogate  the  trinity  at  the  expiration  of 
twelve  months.  The  President,  in  his  message,  at  the  opetiing  of  the  pre- 
sent session  of  Congress,  says,  in  substance,  that  the  notice  ought  now  to  be 
given,  and  adds:  "  I  recommend  that  provision  l)c  made  by  l^w  for  giving 
it  accordingly,  and  tenninating,  in  this  maimer,  the  convention  of  the  t)th 
of  August',  ls-i7."' 

I  liavc  considerably   modified   my  opinions  on  the  subject  of  notice,  dur- 
ing the  progress  of  this  discussion.     In  the  first  instance  my  impression  was. 
I  ought  not  to  vote  for  it  at  all;  but  more  mature  reflection  has  l)rought  me 
to  the  conclusion,  that  it  is  (expedient,  if  not  indispensable,  to  abrogate  the 
convention  of  U-i^T,  and   that  I  ought  to  vote  for  a  ([ualified  notice,  or  in  a 
modified  form.     But  [  cannot  vote  for  the  proposition  on  your  table  to  con- 
fer absolute  ])Ower  on  the  Executive,  nor  for  notice  in  the  form  of  any  oiv 
of  the  numerous  modificalions  which  have  been  jiroposed,  unless  that  offer 
ed  by  the  honorable  gentleman   from  Alabama,  (Mr.  Daroin-,)  be  an  ex- 
ception.    I  think  favorabi}'  of  that  pro])0'^ilion.     Tlit;  honorable  membe 
proposes  to  commence  at  the  Pacific,  and   run  the  line  through  the  middle 
of  the  straits  sejiarating  Vancouver's  Island  from  the  main  land,  (called  ih' 
Straits  of  Fuca.)  aiul  to  proceed  from  thence  to  a  point  on  the  coast,  soutl 
of  the  mouth  of  Frazer's   river,  at  the  parallel  of  49°,  and  from  thence  ir 
that  parallel  to  the  'Rocky  jMotmtains,  giving  lo  the  I'mled  States  all  south 
and  to  Great  Britain  all  north,  of  that  parallel,     '^riiis  jnoposition  concede 
to  (in>at  Britain  the  lower  end  of  A'ancouver's  Island,  as  an  equivalent  fo 
the  navigation  of  the  Columbia  river,  and  would  make  the  basis  of  adjus; 
iiient  substantially  what  has  been  repeatedly  offered  by  our  Government, 
desire  to  thank  the  honorable  inemljer,  not  oidy  for  his  able  speech,  but  f^ 
his    truly  statesmanlike  proposition."*     Concived  in  a  spirit  of  moderatioi 
and  e(|uity — proffering  to  Great  liritain   the  olive-branch,  and  securing  t 
the  Republic  all  that  is  im})ortant  or  essential  in  the  territory  of  Oregon,  w 

"One  of  the  rcsulinions  suluiiittod  by  Mr.  DiM-:jin  \v;\s  nt  one  time  adnpted  by  the  Cuinmitt; 
of  tlie  Whole,  by  n  vote  ot'  101  to  !»8.  it  wns  aricrwiiids  set  aside.  If  it  had  idtiniately  rcceivi' 
the  .snnrtioii  of  tiic  Coiamitteeund  of  the  Hou.'te,  I  ylioidd  iuive  eoiisidered  it  my  duty  to  voto  f 
the  notice. 


h( 

.SO 

l.e 

bf 

tuc 

wii 

<'es 

on 

or 

Wh 

ten 
lo( 
all 
pra 


# 


can  vary  ihe 

nicvciul  inf.er- 
)tT\-pj', — Hiiiish 
cs  hiivn  so  ex- 
ibslaulitiUy  in 
md  \vc  of  all 

men t  of  nioro 
jnsideration  of 
\q;  Administra- 
:md  to  leduce 

,  can  be  more 
lus  controversy 
Greal  Hritaiu. 
ore  a<j2^ravated 
sequences,  un- 

^  convention  Cn 
resident  slionU' 
ic  expiration  ot 
ling  of  the  pre- 
ught  now  to  be 
,'  law  for  giving 
Uion  of  the  (kli 

of  notice,  dur- 
impiession  was. 
has  brought  iw 
to  abrogate  the 
I  notice,  or  in  a 
)nr  table  to  con 
orni  of  any  on- 
nless  that  oiler 
IN,)  be  an  ex 
norable  nicmbe 
Migh  the  middlf 
;,nd,  (called  ih' 
the  coast,  soutj 
from  thence  ir 
States  all  south 
)osition  concede 
m  equivalent  fo 
basis  of  atljus- 
Government. 
-  speech,  but  (*< 
it  of  moderatioi 
and  securing  t 
y  of  Oregon,  w 

ed  by  the  CummiUf 

III  ultniiatcly  rereivf 

tniy  duty  to  vole  I 


should  acfiuire,  by  puch  an  arrangemont,  nearly  I'.ll  the  country  drained  hy 
the  waters  of  the  ( 'olutiibia  river,  and  in  l\»rt  Discovery.  Adiiiiraliy  Inlet, 
Hood's  Ganal,  and  l^ugct's  Sound,  a  series  of  luubni>  more  nirmiiilicfnt 
thtui  any  oilier  in  the  we.'^tern  world.  I  (]o  no)  insist .  however,  that  we 
should  advert  to  any  precise  line,  but  I  do  contend,  that  in  authorizing  or 
reconiniendinir  the  notice,  we  shoidd .  in  some  emphatic  form,  make  kjiown 
to  the  Mresiilent  the  wish  of  (.'ongress  that  the  controversy  should  he  adiust- 
ed  on  the  basis  of  a  just  ami  e(]Mit;d)le  compromise,  and  then,  in  my  (opi- 
nion,  there  would  he  an  end  of  the  matter  in  one  month,  'i'lie  n-asons 
why  I  caimot  vote  for  the  power  of  notice,  unless  it  be  (pialilied.  I  nuist 
postjione  to  a  stibsecpient  part  of  my  arginnent. 

And  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  ])ermit  me  to  say.  that,  in  my  action  on 
this  subject,  I  intend  to  b(;  governed  by  no  other  consideratiutis  than  sncli 
as  appertain  to  the  subject  itself.  I  have  been  npj^rehensiv(<  that  this  (pies- 
tion  of  Oregon  might  become  the  mere  fooiiiall  oi'  ]iar!y.  I  ]\;\\v  iieard  it 
intimated  that  there  is  a  good  deal  of  poli/knl  r.litfjuer-plaiiinif  going  on  in 
regard  to  this  matter,  cuid  that  men  of  hi'jii  aspirations  wxv  making  a  suuk- 
injr-horse  of  the  subjiuM  to  ride  into  the  I'residencv.  T  will  relVain  from  ex- 
pressing  the  feelinus  which  si; -li  a  suggestion  is  ackqited  to  awaken  in  (.-very 
jionest  mind,  and  content  myself  wit.'i  the  expression  of  a  hope  that  ihere  is 
yet  enough  f»f  rectitude  and  of  patriotism  left  in  our  ])uhlic  councils  to  check- 
mate such  detestable  purposes,  if  any  sncli  exist.  ,\or  can  I  conseni  ihat 
the  dispute  about  <  )regon  shall  he  mixed  uji  with  the  (piesiion  of  Texas. 
If  any  one  desires  to  know  my  o})inion  on  the  subject  of  Texas  annexa- 
tion, I  refer  them  to  the  sentiments  of  niy  State,  not  only  as  made  known 
))y  the  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise,  but  as  often  declared  to  Con(,ness 
by  resolutions  of  our  geiK.'ial  assembly,  conceived  in  the  striJiigvst  iern's  of 
opposition  ;ind  repuu'iiance;  one  set  of  which  was  snljinitted  hy  my  col- 
league (Mr.  Hockwkll)  at  the  presiMit  session;  or.  if  1  ousilit  to  be  more 
explicit,  I  ani  williny'  to  declare  that  I  reiiard  the  measure  as  a  ])alpable 
violation  of  the  t'onstiMition  of  the  Inited  States,  more  so  than  any  other 
which  has  occmred  since  the  oi<i-ani nation  of  the  Government  in  1TS9,  and 
is,  besides,  highly  objectionuble  on  other  giomuls.  l>ul  it  is  said  that  it 
worild  be  riuht  and  just  to  imolve  ihe  country  in  war  with  Great  iJritain.ro 
the  end  thai  peculiar  calamities  may  he  inflicted  on  the  South  for  wli;it  we 
at  the  rsortli  call  "the  Texas  inirpiity."  IJnt  I  will  not  rccoii^nise  any  such 
motive  of  action.  I  am  not  prepared  to  .-ay  that  the  Southern  Slates  are 
much,  if  any,  more  responsible  for  this  enormous  wiong  than  ilie  free 
States.  J  cannot  forget  tliat,  while  the  i':*'c  Slat<>s  ea\e  a  majoiity  of  no 
less  than  fortv-hve  electoral  \oies  in  favor  ol'  folk  and  Texas,  the  slave- 
holdiim' States  ga\e  a  majoiit}- oi'  only  twenty  votes.  IJesides.  if  lire,  de- 
solation, and  tlu'  sword,  are  to  bo  carriinl  into  tb».^  Sondi,  I  a.-k.  what,  is  to 
l)e  done  wiili  those  Slates  which  opposed  Texas  annexation?  What  is  to 
be  done  with  Delaware.  Marvland,  North  ('arolina,  ever  glorious  Ken- 
tucky,  and  patriotic  and  ni.'hle-mindeu  Tennessee  ?  What  is  to  l)e  done 
with  our  gallant  fri<ntls  in  ( ieorgia  and  Louisiana,  who,  uiuler  circnmsfan- 
ces  of  great  dillicuiiy .  stood  hy  the  Con.-litulion ,  and  were  at  last  overcome 
only  by  frauds,  n)ore,  sinpeiuious  than  were  ever  bt>fore  committed  in  this 
or  any  other  country  ?  'Phe  triidi  is.  that  this  ])roiect  (-f  Texas  annexation 
was  started  Ity  the  la;*.'  President  I'yler.  in  finlheranee  of  his  ridicuhjiis  jtre- 
tensions  to  the  I'rr'sideiicy ,  (by  re-electic'n .  an  idea  which  never  obtained  ;l 
lodgement  any  where  out  of  the  Presidential  mansion.  The  demagogues 
all  over  the  country  immediately  seized  hold  of  the  scheme,  and,  after 
practising  awhile  upon  the  credulity  and  shallowness  of  its  author,  wielded 


It,  witli  succops  in  pronioiinrj  llic  election  of  President  Pulk.  If  tlie  slavp,- 
hohl'm^ prrtl'iU'cf Inns  of  the  Soiiili  ;ii(.'  responsible,  in  some  de;ri-oe,  for  this 
wronjT,  1  hold  iIkU,  the  spoil s-ir-raspiiiif  jiropcnsUics  of  the  Aorth  are 
eqii(dly  so;  and  therefort.'  I  will  never  consent  to  hiive  the  United  Slates 
involved  in  w;ir  under  iIk;  idea  of  inflicting-  disasters  on  the  former  section 
of  the  country.  If  luiy  inan  is  to  be  invested  with  tin;  powers  of  retribu- 
tion, in  reference  to  this  subject,  he  can  hardly  confine  his  labors  to  the 
South — he  will  <l<>iibtless  take  the  circuit  of  the  whole  Union,  scatterings 
every  where,  to  the  riulit  nnd  left,  ''lire-brands,  arrows,  and  death;"  and 
perhaps  he  may  think  that  ecpial  and  exact  justice  recpiires  him  to  reserve  a 
few  bolts  for  a  certain  party  at  the  \orth,  who,  from  a  mistaken  sense  of 
duly,  threw  away,  at  the  late  Presidential  election,  their  votes  on  a  lliird 
candidate,  and  thus  contributed  ellectually  to  extend  ''^Acr/rea  of  freedom"' 
in  lh<;  southwest. 

But  it  is  M\id  we  ouiiht  to  lay  om*  hands  on  the  whole  of  Oreg-on,  to  be 
convert(!(l  into  free  States,  to  countervail  the  fr-ain  to  the  slave  Slates  by  the 
accpiisition  of  Texiis.  What  is  meant  by  this?  Is  it  that  we  should  claim 
the  whole  of  ()re;ron ,  independent  of  our  riijht  to  the  whole ?  If  the  entire 
territory  is  tridy  ours,  then  we  nuist  stand  up  for  our  riirhls,  irrespective  of 
any  cpiestion  about  "^rexas;  l)ul  if  we  have  not  a  just  claim  to  the  whole, 
the  American  p<M)j)l(>  will  hardly  undertake  a  iol)bery  of  territory  in  one 
quarter  to  match  a  robln'ry  committed  in  tmother,  and  that,  too,  on  mere 
calculations  of  domestic  advantage,  liesides,  the  parly  on  whom  the  opera- 
tion is  to  be  performed  is  a  burly  old  g^Mitleman  of  the  name  of  Bull,  who 
is  likely  to  niake  a  liuich  stouter  resistance  than  the  ))oor  Mrxic.an  Don, 
whom  you  may  viclimi/ce  at  any  time  with  impunity.  I  insist,  therefore, 
this  is  a  (|ueslion  by  itself — that  it  is  a  broad  national  question,  to  be  taken 
up  and  considered  calmly  and  dispassionately,  with  a  view  to  a  just  appre- 
ciation of  the  rights  of  the  republic,  and  to  assert  those  rights  with  all  the 
iirmness  which  a  high  sense  of  patriotic  duty  must  inspire. 

i\nd  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  advert   for  a  moment  to  what  I  under- 
■o  be  the  position  of  those  with  whom    I  usually  co-operate  in  this 
>  in  regard  to  the  pending  c(  ntroversy.    We  wish  it  to  be  distinctly  un- 

iien^cood,  that  we  shall  throw  no  factious  opposition  in  the  way  of  the  Ad- 
ministration; we  are  disposed  to  co-operate  with  the  Executive  in  efforts  to 
assert  our  rights,  and  to  resist  the  policy  of  Great  Britain,  promptly  and  ef- 
fectively, so  far  as  it  is  aggressive.  We  are  disposed  to  do  entire  justice  to 
the  President  and  Cabinet,  and  appreciate  highly  the  zeal  and  ability  dis- 
played by  a  late,  and  the  ])resent,  Secretary  of  Stale,  in  the  correspondence 
laid  before  Congress.  But,  if  the  Administration  shall  wantoidy  or  unne- 
cessarily involve  us  in  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  we  believe  the  American 
people  will  hold  them  to  high  responsibilities.  However  imprudent  the 
Executive  may  be,  we  intend  to  rally  in  support  of  the  coimlry — and, 
whether  in  public  or  private  life,  will  do  all  in  our  ynnver  to  repef  aggres- 
sion, and  vindicate  the  honor  of  our  flag.  But  we  intend  to  hold  the  Ad- 
ministration to  the  ))erformance  of  three  rigid  conditions — first,  that  they  pro- 
secute the  war  with  vigor;  secondly,  with  ability;  and  thirdly,  with  success; 
we  shall  allow  them  no  niargin — will  not  abate  one  hair — and  if  they 
fail,  we  shall  endeavor  to  place  the  (government  in  the  hands  of  better  and 
more  (diiqu'teut  men,  who  will  conceiUrate  upon  the  contest  all  the  ener- 
gies (.1'  the  American  peo})le,  and  coiupier  for  the  Rep»d)lic,  at  an  early  day, 
a  glorious  peace. 

But,  sir,  I  desire  to  approach  a  liille  nearer  to  the  great  question  before 
us.  In  the  first  place,  in  connexion  with  the  ground  taken  by  the  Admin- 
istration, I  shall  recur  lo  the  late  correspondence  between  the  two  Govern- 


If  the  slavfl- 
L^rcf,  for  tliis 
ft  North  are 
Jnited  States 
)rnier  section 
s  of  retribu- 
hibors  to  the 
)n,  sciittering 
dcatli;"  and 
n  to  reserve  a 
ken  sense  of 
s  on  a  tliird 
',  of  freedom'' 

~)re^on,  to  be 
Slates  by  the 
lionld  claim 
If  the  entire 
irrespective  of 
to  the  whole, 
irritory  in  one 
,  loo,  on  mere 
[)m  the  opera- 
f  Hull,  who 

RXICAN  DoNy 

?ist,  therefore, 

II ,  to  be  taken 

a  just  appre- 

ts  with  all  the 

what  I  under- 
operale  in  this 
!  distinctly  im- 
ay  of  the  Ad- 
VG  in  efforts  to 
•niplly  and  ef- 
tire  justice  to 
nd  ability  dis- 
orrespondence 
only  or  unne- 
tlie  American 
imprudent  the 
country — and, 
)  repel  aji^gres- 
)  hold  the  Ad- 
,  that  they  pro- 
,  with  success; 
— and  if  they 
of  better  and 
4  :dl  the  encr- 
l  an  early  day, 

ucstion  before 
•y  the  Admin- 
Q  two  Govern- 


ments, upon  some  of  t\fo  f<;aturcs  of  which  it  is  imp.)riant  to  ll\  the  atten- 
tion of  lilt;  fuimlty.     It  is  now  said,  th;i,t  we  nol  only  hiivr  the  b<'si  tide  to 
th(^  whole  of  (.)re'j-on ,  but  that  it  is  cxpf-'ditMit  to  push  oiu'  diiiiii  to  that  ex- 
tremity.    Hut  iliis  is  a  new  view  of  the  sul)iect,  to  which  uur  (invcrument 
lias  arii\(Ml  since  the  lib  of  March.  Ihl.') — wbeilicr  in  the  li'jiii  ol'  the  cele- 
brated IJahimore  resolution,  dedariiii,''  -'our  title  to  the  w  hole  ol  ihc  ttnritory 
of  ( >rei:on  to  be  ch.'ar  and  uu(|uesliouable,"   1   leave  ollle^^!  lo   judiie.     Hut 
it  will  be  obsiMVed,  that  the  nei;'otiatious  have  ever  been  conducted  between 
the  two  (iovermneiits  on  the  basis  of  compromise,  neither  party  inilicaiiii<;-, 
until  recently,  a  wish  to  exclude  the  ollit;r  wholly  from  ihe  lerrilory.    Such 
was  the  fact  in  the  ne^rotiaiioiis  prcdimiuary  to  tlu^  convention  of  (be  JSih  of 
Octol)er,  [SIN.     The  same  basis  was  acted  on  in  the  corresjjondeiice  inter- 
mediate, and  preliminary  to   the  conveiuion  of  the   (ilh  of  AulmisI,  iS'iT. 
The  nei;()tiatious  were  resmneil  and  jiroseciited  under  the  ausj)ices  of  Mr. 
Calhoun  upon  that  ult;a.     This  distinctly  appetus  from  the  protocol   of  the 
23d  of  Autmst,  ISll,  sio-ned  by  .Mr.  Callioun  and  Mr.  rakenliam,in  which 
they  reco<,mised  ihe  authority  of  each  'Mo  treat  of  th<'   resjieclive  claims  of 
the  two  Uovernments  to  tlu;  Orei^on  territory,  with  a  view  to  establish  a  ])er- 
inanent  bomuiaiy  between  the  two  countries  westward  of  the  Ilocky  moun- 
tains, to  the  Pacilic  (Jcean,"  the  plenipotentiaries  intinchangini^  assurances 
of  a  desire  on  both  sides  '4o  aj)proach  the  (pieslion  with  an  earnest  desire, 
and  in  llu;  spirit  of  compromise,  to  ed'ect  an  adjustment  'onsisient  with  tin; 
honor  and  just  interests  of  either  party."    Thus  the  parties  substantially  ad- 
nutted  tliat  each  had  a  better  claim  to  some  part  of  the  territory,  and  that 
there  should  be  an  e(|uitable  division  between  them.      We  had  three  times 
previously,  in  attempting  to  ailjust  the  controversy,  that   is  to  say,  in  iSlb, 
1824,  and  IS;^(),  od'ered  to  Great  J:>rilain  to  divide  the  territory  by  the  paral- 
lel of  49^,  and  in  ISlS  and  l^2C),  we  oll'ered,  in  addition,  the  navigation  of 
the  Columbia  river  south  of  that  parallel.      In  July,  IS'il,  (.ireat  Uiitain  of- 
feretl  to  tln^  l'nit(;d  -States,  to  divide  the  territory  by  exteudin<j!-  the  parallel  of 
49°  to  the  norlheasternmost  bran<Ii  of  the  (Jolumbia  river,  and  from  thence 
down  the  im'dille  of  that  river  lo  the  racilic  ocean.     In  atldition  to  that,  in 
December,  1  S2i),  she  oll'ered  us  a  deiaclKul  territory  of  near  one  hundred 
miles  stpiare,  situated  on  the  Straits  of  i''uca,in  which  is  a  \aluable  harbor, 
called   Port    Discovery.     Under   these  circumstances  the   negotiation   was 
oj)en('d  by  iMr.  (Jaliioun  and  Mr.  l*ak(,'nliam,  on  die  'iJd  of  August,  1844, 
which,  so  far  as  the  lormer  gentleman  is  (roncerned,  terminated  with  his  retire- 
ment from  the  Slate.  Deparlment  on  the  organizaliou  of  the  present  Adnnn- 
istration  In  .March  last.      While  the  subject  was  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  C  the 
British  plenipotentiary  made  two  propositions  for  an  atljustment  of  the  dis- 
pute; 

1.  The  IJritish  nunister,  on  the  2tJlh  of  August,  l^M,  reproposcd  the 
hasis  of  l.S2();  that  is  to  say,  the  line  of  49^  ami  the  Columl'ia  river,  with 
tlie  same  detached  territorv  ;  and,  in  adiliiion,  offered  to  make  free  to  the 
Ututed  States  niiy  port  or  ])orts  which  the  American  Government  might  de- 
sire, vMtlier  on  ibe  main  laiul  or  \'ancouver's  islaiul,  south  of  latitude  49-^. 
'I'his  seems  to  have  been  promptly  rejected  by  our  Government. 

2.  t)n  liie  I'lli  of  .lanuary  last,  the  British  (iovernmeut  oHered  to  the, 
Ututed  Siates  to  refer  die  dillerences  between  them  to  arbitration,  suggest- 
ing that,  under  tlu.'  circumstances,  no  more  fair  or  honorable  mode  of  set- 
tling the  question  could  be  ailopted. 

This  proj)osition  Mr.  C.  waived,  but  did  not  positively  decline,  express- 
ing die  hope  that  the  controversy  might  be  settled  by  the  negotiations  then 
pending  between  the  two  countries. 


8 

Dminn;  the  admiiii^rlnitiou  of  tlie  State  Dtiparunfent  by  Mr.  C,  no  direct 
proposition  wiis  niiidc  on  <i!ir  ]virl  lor  an  adinstniont  oi  (lie  question;  but 
Mr.  <J.,  il  i<  lielit'ved,  in  tiie  diseussion,  satisfadorily  i)rov'i'd  (bat  we  were 
enti'lcd  to  id  I  dial  part  of  tbc  (frritory  wbieb  is  drained  by  tbe  wa(ers  of 
\[\(i  (Johiinbia  ri\»M,  and  (bus  incbcated  an  opinioti  tbai  liie  country  sbould 
be  divided  by  (lie  parallel  of   19. 

Tuder  (liese  fircunisiances,  tbe  neii^otiation  fell  into  tbe  band;' of  Mr. 
liacbuniin ,  wbo,  on  tbe  I'idi  of  .Inly  last,  addressed  to  tbe  IJrilisb  minister 
bis  tirst  bitier,  iuul  ollered  a  division  on  tbe  parallt;!  of  41H,  wiibdrawing 
tbc  navisration  of  tbe  (^obuDljia  river,  comprised  in  our  last  oiler,  to  wit, 
tbat  of  IS2(). 

']''bis  was  proni))lly  rejected  by  tbe  Britisb  minister,  be  usin^  tbe  tart  ex- 
pression iliat  luj  '•trusts  tbe  American  plenipotentiary  will  Uc  prepared  to 
ofler  some  furl  Iter  jnoposal  for  tbe  sc(tlement  of  tbe  C)ren()n  ipiestion,  more 
consistent  witb  fairness  and  e([ui(y,  and  witb  tbe  reasonabb;  expectations  of 
ibe  I5ril!sb  ^  Jdvernment ." 

Mr.  liucbanan  tben  witlulraws  die  proposition  of  tbc  4Utb  parallel,  (aa 
act  tbaf  would  set!n  to  be  su[)eribious,  as  tbe  Britisb  minister  bad  already 
rejected  it,)  totally  repudiates  tbe  basis  of  compromise,  and  j^oes  perempto- 
rilv  for  tbe  whole  territorx'  of  Ort'sron.* 

In  ibis  slate  of  tbiniis,  the  sul)ject  is  submitted  for  tbe  consideration  of 
(Jonfrress,  and  tbcre  are  tbree  features  wbicb  mark  die  case  wbicb  1  tbink 
sbould  attract  tb(i  attention  of  (be  American  peojile. 

1.  W  bile  (Jreat  Britain,  in  tbe  late  negotiation,  bas  made  a  more  favora- 
ble offer  to  us  tbaii  she  ever  did   before,  we   luive  made  to   bfjr  one  less  fa- 
vorable tban  we  did  Ijefore.     Siie  bas  added  to  ber  oiler  of  tbe  1st  of  De- 
cember, 1S2(),  free  ports  eitber  on  Vancouver's  island  or  the  main  land  be- 
low tbe  j)arallel  of  19^;  wlule  we   bave  witbdrawn  tbe  navisration  of  the 
Cokunbia   river.     It  is    ibis  eircutustjuice  wbicb  attracted   tbe   attention 
of  tlu;  honorable   member  from  .New  York,  (Mr.  Kl\g,)  early  in  tbe  ses- 
sion, who,  in  remarkint^  on  this  subject, said  he  believed  that  the  Adminis- 
tratio/i.  kiuir  that  tlih  offf^r  irouhl  be  rejcctef/  ir/wn  t/iti/  niaf/e  it ;  and  after- 
Avards,  e\j)laininir,  be  added,  all  be  meant  was,  thai  ({Hi/  man  of  cninmon 
sense  nnist  haw  kiioicn  I  hat  the  li/itish.  (jovernnient  vould  rejt'ct  it.  The 
iirst  category  iiiad(>  tbe  Administration  knaves,  die  second  fools;  but  I  shalL 
not  be  so  indecorous  as  to  call  them  either  the  one  or  ibe  other.     But  why 
did  tbe  gentleman  say,  (bat  any  man  of  common   sense  must  have  antici- 
pated a  rejection  ?     It  was  simj)ly  because,  while  Great  Britain  was  advan- 
cing towards  us.  we  were   lelreating  from  ber — tbe  title  being  precisely  the 
same  now  that  it  was  in  iSr^iG.     It  is  diibcidt  to  see  why  the  Administra- 
non,  if  dis[)ose(l  t(^  wilbdraw  die  navigalion  of  tbe  Columbia,  did  not  ofi'ev 
an  equivalent  to  the  Britisb  (iovernment.     How  can  the  world  think  that 
we  are  seeking  a  solution  of  this  (juestion  in  the  spirit  of  peace,  if  we  persist 
in  such  conduct  ? 

2.  It  is  an  extraordinary  fact,  that  the  oll'er  made  by  Mr.  Buchanan  (in 
bis  letter  of  the  12di  of  July  last)  was  neither  submitted  to  the  British  Gov- 
ernment as  an  ulliinatiun ,  nor  was  it  returned  as  such;  or,  in  other  wordS;, 

'iianiocli.ii.(;ly  after  my  remarks  were  made  in  i.ommittee,  the  PrcKidcnt  communicated  a  t&- 
cci'.:  cdrn  sjiunilciici;  i:t  uvcen  the  two  C>(iV(rnnient.<,  from  wiiich  it  ajipear-s  tiiat  Great  Britain 
has  oti't  red  iigaiii  to  submit  the  malt(;r  in  dispute  eitiier  to  a  neuiral  power,  or  to  competent  citi- 
i-.eiis  of  such  power,  nr  in  a.  commission  of  eminent  citizens  of  tlic  two  countries,  and  that  our 
uovermiunt  have  rejected  arbitrament  in  any  and  every  form.  If  our  title  to  the  whole  of 
(ir{r;on  is  so  very  char,  it  is  strange  that  llie  (luestion  cannot  I'C  sately  confided  to  such  a  man 
us  Ohief  Justice  Tii.uey  and  some  hii^li  judicial  functionary  of  Great  I'.ritaiii?  is  there  not 
liome  danirer,  mider  such  i-ircuiustiui';es,  tliat  t'.s  world  will  thinii  ilia;  wc  arc  not  very  honeat 
or  s;i.ccro  in  our  ureten^ions, 


9 


C.,  no  direct 

(lueslioii;  but 

(hilt  we   were 

tlio  wiitors  of 

•outitry  .should 

liMiid;-  of  Mr. 
irili^^h  minisiter 
wiilidrawiDg- 
>t  olW'.r,  to  wit, 

115  tlio  tart  ex- 

•<•  ])r«!j)arcd  to 

|M(^stion,  more 

expectations  of 

1  parallel,  (an 
er  had  already 
^oe.s  pereinpto- 

oiif^idoration  of 
which  I  think 

a  more  favora- 
i<;r  one  less  fa- 
'tlie  1st  of  De 

main  land  be- 
^'iG^alion  of  the 

the  attention 
arly  in  the  ses- 
t  I  he  Adminis- 
'e  it;  and  after - 
'//,  of  cnmmoji 
re/f^ct  it.  The 
il.<;  but  I  shal! 
ler.  But  why 
St  have  antici- 
in  was  advan- 
r  precisely  the 
le  Adnjinisfra- 
\,  did  not  ofl'er 
)rld  ihiidc  that 
3,  if  we  persist 

Buchanan  (in. 
e  British  Gov- 
i  other  wordS;, 

imniunicated  a  re- 
thal  Gic;it  l'riU\iii 
U)  coinpctejit  citi- 
tries,  ;uk1  that  our 
to  tlu;  wliolc  of 
led  to  sucli  ii  man 
liii?  Is  lliere  not 
c  not  vciy  liontsi 


Mr.  B.  did  not  ^ive  the  British  plenipotentiary  to  understand  that  the  49th 
parallel  was  the  only  proposition  he  could  or  would  make,  or  the  only  terms 
on  which  we  could  adjust  the  controversy.  On  the  cttnirary.  the  British 
niitiislcM'  was  distinctly  told,  that ''the  i'residiMit  had  dficnnim'il  to  pur- 
sue the  nej^^otiation  to  its  conclusion  upon  the  principle  of  coin|>romise  in 
which  it  ironnnenced."  No  doubt  Mr.  Paketdiam  supposed  the  pro])osi- 
tioii  of  Mr.  B.  was  a  mere  bid;  and  as  it  was  a  relrea'iiti'"  hid,  he  imforlu- 
nutely  rejected  it.  At  this  ihe  President  anil  his  Secrelary  seem  to  have 
taken  fu*'.  They  instantly  iletermined  to  Ijieak  up  tin;  neiroiialion.  Tliey 
snatched  badv  the  olVer  they  had  made,  and  then  jmsiied  the  Americjui 
claim  up  to  51°  40  .  If  the  Administration  were  resolvecl  nut  to  concede  to 
<ire:it  Britain  any  more  favorable  terms  than  the  paridlel  of  l^-',  why  did 
they  not  say  so  explicitly  .''  Why  diil  they  not  return  that  jKuallel  as  an  ulti- 
matum ?  if  this  had  been  done,  Mr.  Paketdiam  would  liavr  been  oblioed 
to  sentl  the  projjosition  to  his  Government,  imd  possil»l\'  the  controversy 
jni;<j:!ii  have  been  ere  this  adjusted. 

o.  But  there  is  another  circumstance,  eipially  r(.'markable,  to  which  I 
uish  to  direct  the  particular  attention  of  the  conmiittec',  which  consists  in 
the  fact  that  the  argument,  best  adapted  to  convince  the  Uriiish  minister  of 
the  justice  of  our  projjosilion,  was  withheld  till  jifter  Ik;  had  rejected  il. 
The  President  '^ays,  that  he  causetl  the  oiler  to  compromise  on  the  49lh^, 
which  had  been  rejected,  to  be  subse{[uenily  withdrawn ,  and  '•  oiu"  title  to 
the  whole  Oregon  territory  to  b*;  asserted;  ;md,  as  is  l)elieved,  mainttiined 
by  irrefiagable  facts  and  arguments.'"  ".^ly  were  not  these  irrefragable 
.acts  and  argmnenis  put  forward  in  the  first  iw-'ance  ?  Surely  an  argument 
adapted  to  prove  that  our  title  to  the  wiio'''  ti'iritory  is  '•'  clear  and  uiupies- 
tionable"  would  operate  powertully  to  convince  the  Biilisii  (iovermnent 
that  they  ought  to  accept  of  4'.'^.  livery  one  who  looks  over  the  jnipers 
cuiui  jt,  fail  to  see  that  oiu'  case  is  presented  in  .Mr.  Buehanan's  last  letter. 
Whatever  title  we  i<ave  to  the  whole  territory  is  contained  in  statement  J. 
B.  2,  drawn  up  with  great  vigor  and  distinguished  ability.  The  reserva- 
tion oi  ••  the  irrefragable  facts  and  arguments"  till  after  the  re)e'..tion  of  our 
olfer,  is  to  me  incomprehensible.  tSurely  it  coidd  not  have  been  the  pur- 
j)ose  of  the  Administration,  Ijy  crooked  ami  ihsingenuous  diplomacy,  to  break 
oil'  tin-  negotiation,  and  thus  mvolve  the  two  countries  in  inmnnent  danger 
of  war.  1  cannot  suspect  gentlemen,  for  whom  personally  1  cherish  senti- 
vnents  of  high  respect ,  of  so  base  a  purpose;  and  yet  it  is  difiicult  to  see  hov/ 
they  coidd  have  adopted  a  course  Ijetler  adapted  io  that  end  than  the  one  in 
fact  pmsued. 

Ami  this  would  seem  to  me  to  be  the  proper  place  to  inquire  into  the 
cause  01'  all  these  tlitliculties.  How  comes  it  about  that  our  relations  wilii 
Great  Britain  were,  immediately  after  the  accession  of  the  present  Adminis- 
tration to  olhce  and  power,  involved  in  so  much  embarrtissment?  Why  has 
there  gone  forth,  throughout  the  country,  so  much  agitation  arid  alarm;  and 
why  have  our  public  councils,  and  the  whole  American  ])eoj)le,  been 
so  entirely  engrossed,  for  many  weeks,  in  anticij)atiiig  all  the  revolting 
scenes  of  a  direfid  war.  The  germ  of  all  the  evils,  present  and  anticipated, 
dale  from  the  3(Jlh  day  of  May,  A.  D.  ltS44,  and  had  its  origin  in  a  politi- 
cal assemblage  whicli  was  then  in  session  in  tht;  city  of  Haltimore,  and  en- 
gagetl  in  nominating,  lor  one  of  the  greut  jjarties  of  the  Union,  a  caiiiiidr.^e 
[or  die  Pres.iilency,  I'his  assemblage  usurped  jurisdiction  o\er  the  (jia-stion 
of  t.he'i'on — they  entered  upon  a  new  experinieiit  in  (li|)!oniacy,  and  under- 
took t(;  make,  political  capital  out  of  ;i  ({ueslion  which  had  Ixcn  t)ending 
over  a  tpiarter  of  a  century,  which  had  occupied  the.  attention  of  several 
Administrations;  i»nd  engrossed  u  large  shar'^  of  the  best  talents  of  the  coua- 


10 


try.     This  presumptuous  body,  after  passins^  throucrh  scenes  of  turbulence ^q 
and  violence,  such  as  was  never  before  witnessed  in  the  country,  plunged  of 
hendloHL;  into  the  midst  of  this  dispute,  and  undertook,  by  an  inllainrnalory  p^ 
appeal,  to  estfiblish  a  title  in  our  pt.'opie  to  the  whole  of  OreL^^on.     What  a  g^r 
luuiiiliaiing'  spectacle  I  and  how  adapted  to  make  our  coutitry  and  its  insti-  jiy^ 
tutions  the  lau<j:hin$T-siock  and  derision  of  the   world  !      We  had  loni^  seen  54 
the  nialif^nancy  of  party  pervading-  all  l^anches  of  our  domestic  relations,  ^jg, 
debauchiu'j;  public  and  private  morals,  and  overlhrowinji'  nearly  all  the<ifreat  ^te 
interests  of  the  country.     At  last  this  fell  spirit  has  invaded  the  sanctuary  of  <^i 
our  for^  ij^n  relations,  and  upon  its  footsteps  will  come,  ere  lojig,  should  any  <«( 
miracle  entible  us  to  escape  now,  ruthless  war,  with  our  coast  raviiged,  our  Or 
conunerce  swept,  our  cities  burnt,  myriads  of  treasure  s(piandered,  and  ^^ 
oceans  of  blooti  poured  forth.     Such  are  the  legitimate  fruits  of  permitting  m 
party  animosity  to  f/abb/c  in  foreign  all'airs.     In  the  mean  time,  the  i3alti-  «( 
more  resolution  has  fidfdled  its  mission,  and  J.  K.  Polk,  in  accordance  with  cai 
the  forms  of  tlie  Consiitution,  is  proclaimed  duly  elected  ]*resident  of  the  jpt 
United  Stales.     He  leaves  his  abode  in  the  Slate  of  Temiessee.  where  he  re 
had  been  in  ri_Mirement  several  years,  to  take  his  place  at  the  head  of  the   no 
(jJover.ument.      We  soon  find  him  on  the  eastern  front  of  our  capital  to  as-   cal 
s-uine  fearful  responsibilities.     He  wtis  al»out  to  occupy  a  station  which  had   coi 
been  filled  by  a  Washinuion.     One  woultl  suppose  he  would  feel  above  re-    It, 
sponding  to  the  sentiments  of  a  caucus.     If  ho  had  no  respect  for  his  im-    <3o 
mediate  predecessor,  he  nuist  at  least  be  disposed  to  treat  the  distinguished    to 
statesman,  who    had    just   retired    from    the    Dc])artment  of    Slate,  with    nui 
ordiuaiy  decency— he  must  have   some  regard    for   the  cause   of  peace,    sta 
idenlitied  as  it  is  wilh  the  best  interests  of  the  country;  but  not  so;  political    int 
capital  was  to  l)e  made,  and  therefore  he  throws  a  (ire-brand  by  re-echoing    ric 
the  Baltimore  scnlimcnt,  that  "om*  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  is  clear  ;md    gut 
iinH|uestioiiable;"  and  tlien  lo  make  the  embroilment  the  more  certain,  he    the 
added  a  menace  to  (/Jreat  Britain ,  that  it  would  b(^  his  duly  to  maintain ,  by  all    fry 
I'oiistilutiuiKil  /itf'fnis,  the  right  of  the  United  Slates  to  the  territory  in  dispute,    hk 
This  was  untit  rstood  on  ihe  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  to  be  a  menace;  it    all' 
w^s  pal))al)ly  so.   It  will  be  observed  that  at  the  time  Mr.  1',  matleihis  sum-    to'2 
mary  disjiosition   of  the  Oregon  (ptcalion,  h*;  had  nut  been  duly  constituted     wl 
President  of  the  United  Slates,  he  had  not  taken  the  oath  of  odice.     How-     all 
e^er  well  informed  iln^  Pr(?sident  may  have  been  at  that  lime  about  Oregon 
generally,  it  is  certain  he  was  not  familiar  with  the  m-golialions  on  the  sub-     nr 
ject;  and,  at  any  rale,  he  could. not  have  imderstood  the  existing  slate  of  such     wl 
negotitiliuns.     U\  his  message  he  uses  language  which  sullicieiuly  indicates     att 
that  such  was  the  fad.     In  that  docvnuent  Ik;  says,  in  ellect,  ''my  atUmtion     is 
was  early   dirt^cled   to   ihe  subject;"  and   then,  after  giving  the  details,  he 
adds,  '^v.  hen  I  came  into  oilice,  i  found  this  lo  be  the  state  of  the  negotia- 
tion,"    He  linaily  informs  Congress  that  he  had  ollered  to  divide  the  terri- 
tory on  tile  ])arallrl  of  lU^,  ''in  deference  to  what  had  l)eeii  done  by  his  pre- 
decessors."     W  hy  did   he   not  feel  that  deft.'rence  at  the  time  he  dolivereil 
his  in;iugural  address  ?     Will  it  be  said  he  did  not  then  know  what  tlic'v  had 
done  ?     If  so,  how  came   he  to  conunit  himself  so  ra:^hly  on  a  subject  of  so 
mnich  delicacy?    Why  act  in  the  dark?  ^^"lly  not  wait  till  he  was  surround- 
t'd  by  his  cabinet,  and  had  had  lime  lo  look  at  the  subject  in  all  ils  bearings: 
But  the  woids  -'clear  and  imc|uesliunable"  had  gone  out  from  l?altimore. 
and  he  nnisl  respond  to  them,  he  ;nusi  assume  a  gallant  bearing  before  the 
American   people,  and  therefore   the  pregnant  allusion  to  "all  the  constitu- 
tional nieiuis"  wilh  which  he  was  to  be  inv(?st(!d,  to  be  used  in  asserting  our 
liidu   to  the  whole,  of  (>regon.     ^I'liis,  noLvvilhsianding  my  respect  for  the 
President,  1  docni  the  height  of  imprudence;  it  was  pre-eminently  adapted 


of 

M» 
th 

tit 

to 

ai 

in 

SI 

HI 

tl 

P 

8i 

fc 


11 


ncs  of  turbulence 
counuy,  plunged 
'  nn  inllamnialory 
>rci(on.     \Vl)at  a 
iritry  and  ifs  insti- 
^  e  had  loua;  seen 
onn.'slic  relations, 
it'arly  all  the  jrreat 
l1  the  sanctuary  of 
long-,shoukrany 
oast  raviiged,  our 
?<|iianderf'd,  and 
nits  of  perinittins^ 
n  time,  the  i3alti- 
1  accordance  with 
]*resident  of  the 
nessee.  where  he 
t  the  head  of  the 
our  capital  to  as- 
Jlaiion  which  had 
idd  feel  above  re- 
}spert  for  his  ini- 
tiie  distini^niithed 
of    State,  with 
cause   of  peace, 
not  so;  political 
nd  by  rc-echoin<]^ 
coon  is  clear  and 
niore  certain ,  he 
)  maintain,  by  «// 
rrilory  in  dispute. 
be  a  menace;  it 
.  made  this  sum- 
duly  constituted 
ofofiice.     How- 
ie about  ()re<ron 
ions  on  the  sub- 
in;:;- state  of  such 
ciemly  indicates 
t,  ''my  attention 
y-  the  details,  he 
of  the  nejrotia- 
divide  the  terri- 
done  by  hispre- 
iiio  he  delivered 
r  what  they  had 
1  tt  subject  of  so 
'i  wiis  surround- 
all  ils  beariuLfsi' 
rom  jialtimore. 
uing  before  the 
ill  the  constitu- 
in  assertiny'  otu" 
respect  for  the 
iU'utly  adapted 


to  embroil  us  with  Great  Britain,  and  is  beheved  to  be  the  principal  source 
of  existinjT  difficulties.  The  President  soon  found  that  treatin;::  with  a  jj^reat 
power  like  that  of  (ireat  Britain  was  an  affair  (juite  luilike  resp'jiidinjj^  to  the 
sentiments  of  a  party  caucus,  or  making:  apjieals  with  a  view  to  jwpular 
impression.  He  found  it  would  not  quite  do  to  come  u[)  to  the  scratch  of 
54°  4(1'.  He  betjan  to  feel  all  at  once  a  profound  (kfi^rriice  for  his  pre- 
decessors, and  incontinently  oilers  to  surrender  to  the  British  Government 
nearly  one  half  of  the  territory.  If  we  really  own  the  whole  territory,  how 
came  the  President  to  offer  to  n^ive  away  one  half  of  it?  How  could  mere 
''deference  for  ])redccessojs"  impose  an  oblisration  to  make  such  a  sacrifice? 
Or  was  it  his  object  lo  curry  favor  with  the  British  aristocracy  ?  No  doubt 
they  would  be  hugely  delighted  witli  a  democratic  President,  who  should 
make  them  a  present  of  such  a  vast  territory,  especially  when  our  title  is 
*^clear  and  uncpiestionable."  But  having  ofiered  this  mairnificent  boon ,  how 
came  he  to  withdraw  it?  Why  was  \\'\^  generosity  so  evanescent?  If  the 
interests  of  the  American  peo))le  required  the  offer  of  the  49°,  no  possible 
reason  can  1>e  assigned  for  wiihdrawing  it.  Those  interests  are  the  same 
now  as  then — the  hazards  of  war,  and  the  importance  of  maintaining  ami- 
cable r"'lati(»ns  wilh  (ireat  Britain,  are  the  same  now  as  then.  Why  has  the 
conduct  of  the  Adminisliation  been  so  unstable,  wavering,  and  inconstant? 
It  is,  I  aninn,  owing  to  the  fact  that  they  have  all  the  while  been  underihe 
d'iminion  of  different  and  wholly  repugnant  influences — the  one  a  desire 
to  maintain  amical)le  relation  with  (Jreat  Britain;  and  the  other,  a  desire  to 
maintain  the  same  relations  wilh  their  own  party.  There  has  been  a  con- 
stant struggle.  I)et\veen  these  antagonistical  principles  ever  since  they  came 
into  jiowcr.  When  the  former  has  the  ascendancy,  the  negotiation  is  car- 
ried forward  on  tlu;  only  ground  w  liich  can  bring  the  dis|)Ute  lo  a  jieaceful  i5- 
sue,  lo  wit,a  com]>romise;  when  the  last,  that  l)asis  is  totally  abandoned,  and 
the  Adminisiraiion  go  for  ''the  whole  of  (Jregon  or  none."  In  short,  we  are 
trying  an  eniire  nmv  experiment  in  diplomacy.  The  Administration,  in  their 
n)otiv(;s  of  acticin .  Ii;i\('  been  mixing  up  -'foreign  allairs"  with  ''domestic 
affairs."  We  are  trying  to  see  how  diplomacy  and  party  politics  will  jump 
together.  In  the  case  of  such  an  imbecile  power  as  Mexico  it  may  dO;  but 
when  you  are  dealing  wilh  such  a  chanicter  as  John  Bull,  it  is  quileanother 
affair.  T  shall  watch  the  ))rogressand  result  of  this  novelty  with  deep  interest. 
Having  llnis  presented  to  the  consideration  of  the  conunittee  the  promi- 
nent features  of  the  negotiation  between  the  two  powers,  1  turn  to  a  topic 
•whicli  should  have  been  mad(>  ])rominent  in  this  debate,  and  which  has 
attracled  coinparatively  liiile  attention.  1  refer  to  the  (juestion  of  title.  It 
is  said  that  we  can  really  ;m(l  truly  advance  pretensions  of  title  to  the  whole 
of  Oregon ,  If  so.l  go  for  ihe  notici!  in  any  form,  no  matter  how  un- 
<|uali(i(d.  It  is  with  surprise.  I  have  seen  many  honorable  members  rise  on 
thi.-  floor  and  make  elotpieni  and  able  aj)peals  lo  this  coimniitee  in  opposi- 
tion to  he  notice,  and  yet  declare  their  belief  that  we  had  the  better  title 
to  the  whole  of  Oregon.  ]  regard  every  speech  of  this  character  as  futile 
and  ui;ialory.  The  AnuMJcan  people  will  never  consent  to  surrender  an 
inch,  il  they  are  (onvinced  that  we  really  own  Oregon  up  to  51°  40'.  If 
such  is  (he  slate  of  the  case,  1  would  abrogate  the  convention  to-morrow.  We 
must  ihen  look  into  this  question, and  endeavor  to  ascertain  the  true  slate  of 
the  title.  What  !  melhinks  I  hear  some  on*;  exclaim,  an;  you  a!)out  to  go 
over  to  the  liriiish  side  of  the  argmnent?  No,  sir,  I  shall  endeavor  to 
place  myself  on  truly  American  ground — on  the  maxim,  which  has  been 
sanclioned  by  our  wisest  and  best  men — "  to  claim,"  in  our  intercourse  wilh 
foreign  powers,  '•  nothing  except  what  is  clearly  rigiit,  and  submit  to  nothing 
which  is  dearly  wrong."      How  can  we  ascertain  wliat  is  "  clearly  right," 


12 


\ 


in  regard  to  this  matter,  iinless  we  enquire  into  the  title.  I  affirm  it  is  noiggj.y(. 
only  proper  to  institute  tlie  onquiry,  hut  our  duty  to  prosecute  it  with  allgerta 
the  integrity  and  impartiality  of  the  judicial  character.  We  are  placed  in  2. 
a  very  trying  situation — obliged  to  judge  in  mn  own  cause,  and  liable  lobej592 
swayed  from  the  path  of  rectitude  and  honor  by  passion,  prejudice,  andjuji,^ 
self-interest.  Let  (hen  moderation  and  a  sense  of  justice  characterize  ouij^^j^^j, 
consultations,  and  then  we  may  hope  for  a  peaceful  issue  At  any  rate-^jj^  ^ 
we  shall  have  conscience  and  the  blessing  of  Heaven  on  oin- side,  and  jipi^ 
should  the  result  bean  appeal  to  arnjs — the  ultima  ratio  reipublicu' — thenu.yy),i^^. 
imited,  a  patriotic,  and  a  just  people  could  not  fail  to  come  triumphantlyfqj.  ; 
out  of  the  contest .  ^[^\^, 

If  it  be  admittetl  that  both  parties  have  just  pretensions  of  title  to  soniejjj  ]r 
part  of  the  territory,  then  it  is  plain  neither  party  can  claim,  as  a  matter  oljyj^'^ 


uppf 


strict  right,  that  it  should   be  divided  by  any  precise  line.     It  is  r.  Vv'ild 
savage,  and,  in  a  great  degree,  uninhabited  country.     We  can  see  on  thi 
hypothesis  that  Great  Britain  owns  one  part,  and  we  the  other;  but  where ti(.jty 
the  line  should  be  drawn  can  only  oe  deteiniined  by  estin»ating,  as  well  as^tjg  ^ 
we  can,  the  value  of  the  respective  pretensions  of  the  two  CJovernments.pu^. 
which  is  merely  a  matter  of  opinion,  and  the  case  must  inevitably  be  set-  jn  i' 
tied  by  compromise,  if  settled  peacefully.     If  the  American  Governmenl  jgy 
have  title  to  all  that  part  of  the  territory  drained  by  tlie  waters  of  the  Co-  (Jig^^ 
lumbia  river,  and  the  British  Govermnent  to  that  part  drained  by   FrazerV:tije  , 
river,  then  it  is  certain  that  the  49th  parallel  is  not  the  true  line.     In  such  juen 
case  the  true  line  would    connnence  as  high  up  as  the  52d  parallel,  and  cone 
would   run  in  a  sonthwcsteily  direction  on  the  high  lands  dividing  the  177;' 
waters  of  the  two  rivers,  and  would   strike  the  coast  at  some  ])oint  between  jn  fa 
the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  and  the  mouth  of  Frazer's  river.     I  insist  Eno' 
therefore,  that  the  49th   pantUel  can  only  be  proposed  as  a  compromise  com 
line,  and  I  must  confess  it  has  ever  seemed  to  me  to  constitute  a  propei  bette 
basis  for  the  adjustment  of  the  dilleronces  between  the  two  Governments  catc( 
unless,  indeed,  we  can  properly  take  the  ground  that  Great  Britain   has  no  fmni 
claim  whatever  to  any  pait  of  the  territory.  The 

Whether  we  should  attempt  to  exclude  that  power  wholly  from  Orego",  souk 
depends,  in  my  judguient,  on  the  force  and  elloct  which  we  are  authorized  the  .- 
to  give  to  the  Spanish  title  which  we  actpiired  by  the  treaty  of  Florida  in  att(!i 
1819.  There  is  no  }}reience  that  we  have  any  claim  whatever  to  the  terri-  the  1 
tory  above  the  parallel  of  49'-',  except  by  viriue  of  our  Spanish  title,  on  4, 
which  several  remarks  should  lie  matle.  Yui'. 

1.  It  consists  in  mere  naked  discovery,  without  exploration,  unless  it  be  Con 
coastwise,  and  without  settlements.  It  is  certain  that  Spain  never  made  any  or  st 
thing  like  a  settlement  in  any  part  of  the  territory  except  at  \ootka,  which  ftni 
she,  as  Mr.  Buchanan  admits,  abandoned  in  179-3.  Besides,  a  settlement  ai  entii 
Nootka  would  have  given  Spain  Vancouver's  Island  only.  A  settlement  on  5 
an  island, says  Mr.  Calhoun,  gives  the  party  making  it  a  claim  to  the  whole  179; 
island  upon  the  princij)le  of  continuity,  but  certainly  not  to  a  continent  ad-  trad 
joining.  But  I  suppose  the  settlemetit  of  a  continent  would  carry  with  it  mcr 
adjacent  islands,  upon  the  ground  that  the  principal  takes  with  it  all  acci.-s-  dra\ 
sories.  Mr.  Buchanan  admits,  substantially,  that  our  Spanish  title  consists  bet\ 
in  discovery  only,  when  hii  says,  in  his  statement  marked  J.B.,  2,  that  the 
Spanish  navigators  "■  hauled  at,  many  places  on  the  coast,  from  the  4lst  to 
to  the  57th  degree  of  latitude;  on  all  which  occasions  they  took  possessioii 
of  the  country  in  the  name  of  their  Sovereign,  according  to  a  prescribed  re- 
gulation, celeliraiing  mass,  reading  de'-hiratioiis  asserting  the  rights  of  Spain 
to  the  territory,  aiid  erecting  crosses  v.'illi  insciipiiuus  10  coiumenu)rate  tli', 
event."     Mow ;  1  alliiju^  this  was  discovery  only — the  ordinary  forms  oIj- 


l 

in  V. 
abo 
ver' 
Noi 
ited 


r 


13 


I  affinn  it  is  notggj.y(,(|  by  the  Spanish  navi^alors  on  such  occasions ,  conferring  rights  to  a 
ecute  It  wjlh  allcertain  extent,  of  which  1  will  speak  directly. 

Ve  are  placed  in  2.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  Straits  of  Fuca  were  really  discovered  in 
i,  and  liable  tobej592^  by  (he  Greek  captani  of  that  name  in  the  Spanish  service.  Mr.  Gal- 
n,  prejudice,  andj^^i,^  says,  on  diis  point,  in  his  recent  letters  to  the  public:  "Unwilling  to 

characterize  oulJ^JfJ^^.g■.^py  doubtful  fact,  I  abstained  from  idluding  to  it  in  the  statement  of 
'  At  any  rate.^jjg  American  case  in  182(3."  So  that,  in  the  opinion  of  that  distinguished 
on  our  side,  and  jipi(,„,,,ti^t^  (h^  discovery  of  those  important  straits  by  the  Greek  captain  to 
iipubhca;  jt'^^'^ii-wljich  Mr.  Buchanan  has  attached  so  much  importance,is,at  any  rate,  doubt- 
ne  triumpuantlyfi,].  .^f^d  this,  in  my  judgment,  shakes,  in  no  small  degree,  our  supposed 
title  by  S|)anish  discovery.     If  the  straits  were  not  first  discovered  by  Fuca 

of  title  to  soniejjj  1592,  then  they  were  indisputably  so  by  the  Fnglish  Captain  Berkley,  in 
n,  as  a  niatter  otjygy  'I'his  it  seems  to  me  would  turn  the  title  by  discovery,  so  far  as  the 
e.     it  IS  p.  Vv'ildypppj.  p;irt  of  the  territory  is  concerned,  decidedly  against  us. 

can  see  on  thi.':;  3  But  however  this  may  be,  so  little  was  there  of  publicity  and  authen- 
otlier;  but  where  tjcity  jrjven  to  the  Spanish  discoveries,  if  really  made,  that  the  two  points  of 
ating,  as  well  asjjjg  ooast  by  far  the  most  important,  tlic  Columbia  river  and  the  Straits  of 
vo  Governments,  pu^-ii^  |jml  (q  be  re-discovered — the  former  by  the  y\meiican  Captain  Gray, 
levitably  be  set- j^  1792,  and  the  latter,  as  before  remarked,  by  the  English  (.'aptain  Berk- 
;an  Government  igy^  in  17S7.  What  can  be  the  value  of  discoveries  which  have  to  be  re- 
iters  of  the  Co-jigcovered  ?  The  eulogies  which,  in  this  debate,  have  been  passed  upon 
led  by  I'razer  .-:  jjj^  i^mue  and  character  of  (iray,  and  the  high  appreciation  wliich  gentle- 
3  line,  in  such  uj^n  seem  to  have  of  his  great  exploit  in  discovering!;  the  Cohmdjia,  is  proof 
»'/5d  parallel,  am!  conclusive  that  the  mere  discovery  of  (he  mouth  of  that  river  by  Heceta,  in 
ids  dividing  the  1775,  vvas  valueless.  The  world  did  not  positively  knov/  that  there  waS;, 
le  point  between  jn  fact,  any  such  river  till  (Cray's  discovery  put  the  ijuestion  at  rest.     The 

river.  1  insist.  English  navigators  searched  for  it  in  vain  until  Gray,  by  a  fortunate  hit,  in 
s  a  compromise  connexion  with  other  facts,  conferred  upon  us  an  undoul)ted  title  to  far  the 
istitute  a  propel  better  part  of  Oretron.  I  insist,  that  discoveries,  which  are  not  authenti- 
/oL^overnments.  cated,  where  no  landmarks  are  given,  no  charts  published,  and  :-io  means 
t  Britain  has  no  fmujcibed  of  identification,  are  not  worthy  of  a  moment's  consideration. 
Thev  add  nothin"'  to  the  ^eojrraiihv  of  the  world,  and  nothing  to  the  re- 
ly  troin  Uregon,  sources  of  commerce  or  business.  It  is  well  known  that  tiie  application  of 
e  are  authorized  the  steam-engine  to  navigation  had  been  suggested,  and,  to  some  extent, 
ity  of  Florida  ill  attempted,  long  before  Fulton,  by  making  that  matter,  practical  conferred 
ever  to  die  tern-  the  richest  blessings  upon  his  country  and  the  world. 

!5panish  title,  on  4.  The  F,nolish,by  AIcKenzie, 'undoubtedly  discovered  and  explored 
Frazer's  river  in  1 7U*i,  and  establi.-^hed  tradiiiij!'  ):)osts  upon  it  by  the  \orthwest 
tion,  unless  it  be  Company  in  IHH).  Xo  AmtMican  citizen  math;  any  discovery,  exploration, 
never  made  any  or  settlrmcnt,  in  that  part  of  Oregon,  prior  to  the  convention  of  181S;  nor 
t  Nootka,  which  Am  1  aware  that  any  .-.uch  citizen  has  occupied  one  foot  of  it,  Uiough  fully 
s,  a  settlement  ai  entitled  to  do  so,  under  the  convention,  from  that  day  to  this. 

A  settlement  oil  ,5.  VVc  discovered  the  Columbia  river,  as  before  remarked,  by  Gray,  in 
dm  to  the  whole  1792— explored  it  by  Lewis  and  Clarke  in  1S:(M  and  '5,  and  establi'shed 
>  a  continent  ad-  trading  posts  upon  it  by  Astor  in  ISl  I .  The  English  have  mad«;  many  settle- 
dd  carry  with  it  mcnts  in  the  valley  of  the  (Columbia  since  IHIS,  but  from  these  they  can 
.villi  it  all  acc(,'s-  drav/  no  benefit,  as,  by  the  convention  of  that  year,  tlie  title  is  to  be  settled 
lisli  Utle  consists    betv/een  d.e  two  (jiovernments  on  the  slate  of  things  tiieu  existing. 

.  B.,  2,  that  the  Under  such  circumstances,  it  would  scrni  to  me  theie  can  be  m)  difliculty 
from  the  41st  to  in  estimating"  the  value  of  our  claim  to  so  much  of  our  territory  as  is  situated 
'  took  possession    abov.'  tht;  imrallel  of   19-'.     I  repeat,  it  is  found  wholly  on  Spanish  di.-^co- 

a  prescribed  re  very,  ru»uiing  back  into  the  dark  ages,  and  doultiful  on  important  points. 
!  rights  of  Spain  Nothing  is  more  clear,  than  that  mere  discovery  of  a  savage  or  an  iminhab- 
(inmemorate  til',  itcd  country,  never  gives  a  tit!"^  unless  followed  by  cxploratiou  and  settle- 
inury  forms  ob- 


14 


ment  witliin  a  loasonablc  time.     This  is  acIaiiUcd  by  Mr.  Buchanan  in  y  S[ 
statement  marked  J .  B.     He  says:  •  jjnt 

"  If  the  discovory  of  lliu  luoutli  of  a  ris'cr.  fnllmced  up  vitliin  a  rkasonable  timp;  l)y  tlir  len  < 
exploration  liotli  nf  its  main  cluiiuiol  and  ilis  priiicijiul  Ijnniclies,  and  a|)[iropri;Ui;d  liViggec 
first  settle  uicnt  on  its  i'anks,  do  not  con.stituto  a  title  to  its  territory  drained  liy  its  waters  in,'  .  . 
nation  perforiniii'.^  tlicse  acts,  tlien  tlu^  rrincipN's  oonsei-rated  by  the  practice  of  civilized  •riiai 
tions,  ever  sim;''  the  discovery  ol'tiie  nev.  world,  iniust  have  loxt  their  power.  "^I'liese  |irinci;er  PI 
■were  necessary  to  preserve  the  jieace  of  the  world.  Had  they  not  bet-n  e-nforced  m  pi"""g  Rti 
clashiiis;  claims  to  new  discovered  territory,  and  perpetual  .strii'e  anionj^  the  nations,  would  1;_  ' 
been  the  inevitaljle  result."'  Gft^y 

afttei 
"  This  is  strong  langiinE^c,  but  not  more  strong  than  true.     What  are  t(|^  f, 

princijjles  consecrated  by  liie  practice  of  civiHzed  nations?     Not  that  (ijguji 
covery  alone,  but  that  discovery,  followed  up,  within  a  reasonable  time.jjg  . 
exploration  and  settlement,  gives  a  good  title  to  wild  and   savage  countri-Quv 
Not  a  settlement  was  made   by   the  Spaniards  on  this  coast  from  the  iiKJ^n 
suppo.sed  discovery  by  Fuca,  in   1592,  to  1818,  unless  the  trading  post     ],i 
Nootka  be  considered  such;  and  that,  a.-:  before  remarked,  was  abandoiiyitii 
in  1795.     Over  two  centuries  and  a  quarter  elap.sed,  and  no'hing  done  \\^^  ^ 
Was  not  that  a  reasonable  time   to  make  settlements.^     How  much  tii^ettJe 
•would  our  honorable  Secretary  of  State  allow  to  this  poor,  degraded,  aigy  d 
inert  race  of  men,  to  clfect  such  an  object?     Without  enterprise,  industrjjigaf 
or  vigor  of  cbaracter,  the  Spaniards  woidd  not  liave  settled  Oregon  to  tJUr, 
end  of  time.     I  contend  thai  no  nation  has  a  riiiht  to  hold  a  wild  couni^  titl 
vacant  for  ages,  under  pretence  of  discovery.     There  lies  at  the  bottom  have 
all  this  a  great  law  of  our  nature,  which  was  enstan)])t'd  upon  liumanity^^^liol 
the  era  of  the  garden  of  Eden,uhen  man   was  enjoined  to  ^'lie  fruiifierrit 
and  multiply  and   leplenish   the  earth,  and   subdue  it."     The    SpannuUi 
Mexicans  l)aving  failed  to  cttmply  with  this  law,  the  Angio  Saxon  race, cove 
either  of  its  branches,  had  a  right  to  treat  the  country  as  vac;  !it — to  ciigetth 
and  take  possession.  title 

13ut  there  are  other  dilliculties  in  the  way  of  this  Spanish  title  which  iFras 
ec[ually  serious,  among  which,  that  arising  out  of  the  convention  enteiagaii 
into  btitween  the  T?ritisli  .lud  Spanish  (Jovcinments  in  IT'.H),  ii.sually  i  An"" 
nominated  tlit;  Nootka  Sound  convention,  is  by  no  means  the  least.  It  Wh< 
\vell  kii'jAn  that,  some  time  j)rior  to  that  date,  a  serious  controversy  an  the  < 
between  Great  Britain  and  Spain  touching  ilie  jiorthwest  coast,  the  couiii  can 
lunv  in  dispute  between  us  and  the  former  jxnver;  Spain  ckdmed  the  i  that 
elusive  right,  to  it,  but  this  Gre;tt  Britain  denied;  and  the  disj)nte  was  on  i  lyjin 
point  of  being  brought  to  the  issue  of  arms,  when  S])ain  yielded  the  poii  sucl 
and  agreed  to  restore  the  buildings  and  lands  of  wiiich  British  sid)jects  li,  was 
been  dispossessed,  and  to  make  rep;iration  in  damages  for  acts  of  violeiu  gtat 
Both  ])ariies  stipulated  not  to  molest,  or  disturb  their  respective  sid)jects,  ei  drai 
er  in  navigating  those  seas,  t)r  in  landing  on  the  coast ''for  the  jnirposc  alle 
carrying  on  their  commerce  with  the  natives  of  the  country,  or  of  maki;  as 
.srt'/A7//.e//As' then'.'"  In  this  maimer  the  Spanish  (Jovernmenl  recognis  '  froi 
British  subjects  a  gooil  and  ]»erfect  right  to  land  on  the  coast  arid  make  .■■  tion 
tlemenis  in  Oregon.  1  am  sensible  tiic  honorable  Secretary  of  State  L  C. 
given  two  answ  ms  to  this  objection — liist,  that  the  arrangement  was  tem;  Gal 
jiuy  in  ii-^  characler;  and  secontlly ,  that  the  convention  was  abrogated  por 
the  war  which,  at  ■■  suliseipient  ]ierio(!,  broke  out  between  the  two  ])ow(.  are 
Temporary!  What  is  meant  by  tliis  .^  \V;is  it  to  k.st  for  ten,  twenty,  the 
fifty  years,  or  at  tiie  pleasure  of  the  parties?  Nothing  of  this  sort  is  to  :  est; 
found  in  ihe  convention  itself;  ami,  Ijesides,  the  word  "seulemtnils"  imp<i'  Tl 
soni(!thing  more  than  a  tem[)orary  arrangement.  But  whether  the  convcnli'  po; 
>vas  or  was  not  temporary,  and  whether  it  was  or  was  not  abnegated  by  i:  is/i 
f=ub^e(pieiit  war,  one  ihinLj  is  ccrluui;  that  it  involves  u  distinct  udmiiii'.    on 


15 


Ir.  Buchanan  in  y  Spain  that  the  country  was  then  vacant.     Indeed,  that  was  tlie  precise 

3int  of  the  (hspute  between  Great  Britain  and  Sjjain.     Tlic  hitler  power 

^"VAni.F.  TIME  l.v  til.,  ten  chiimed  title  to  the  whole  northwest  coast,  and  on  that  jrronnd  dispos- 

and  M,.,,r,,pnat,-,j  l.y.gged  British  subjects,  and  drove  them   away  from  Noolka.     Tliis  Great 

.lined  i,y  Its  waters  jii,  .     .  ■        i        i        •      •  .     i     ■.  -i  i  .  •     i  i     i 

practice  of  civilized 'ritain  resistcd;  she  nisisted  it  was  a  wild  country,  unoccupied,  and  that 
Kiwer.  'I'liese  i.riiu.cer  subjects  had  as  good  right  to  frequent  it,  tUid  to  make  settlements  iliere, 
•••"  "iiiv.ned  in  ,„•;„-  gpanish  subjects.  To  this  pretension  Spain  ultimatelv  yielded,  and  tiie 
,  Uic  nations,  would  h        '      c  ftu^  i  .1     .         •  t      .1  •  ■    .     r  •.  •        1'    11 

•eaty  of  U  .10  proceeds  on  that  liasis.     in  this  pomt  ot  view  it  is  wholly  iin- 

,  arterial  whether  the  convention  of  Nootka  was  or  was  not  temporary,  for 

^'*^7     V    '^'  '^^^  ''^^  force  of  her  admission  is  not  thereby  w(;akoned  in  tjie  least.     And  it  is 

lis  .     Aot  that  lijqu'illy  immaterial  whether  the  treaty  of  1790  was  or  was  not  abrogated  by 

ledsonanle  time,  jjg  «ubsci|uent  war;  for,  although  war  usua'ly  does  abrogate  all  treaties  or 

^^a\age  countri>.^jnventions  between  the  belligerant  powers,  yet  it  never  does  abrogate  the 

coast  Jnwn  tlie  ^\yjlfuissinfi  of  a  fact.     Truth  is  ever  the  same,  war  or  no  war. 

le  trading  post     j,j  addition  to  this,  we  have,  by  our  conduct,  emphatically,  in  connexion 

•U,  \vas  abandonyit[j  tl^e  v.,[lt.y  of  tl,e   Columbia,  admitted  the  same   thing.     By  virtue  of 

no'inng  done  .jjg  discovery  of  Captain  Gray,  we  claimed  the  right  to  enter,  explore,  and 

lo\v    much  tii,g|tig^  go  much  of  Oregon  as  is  drained  by  the  waters  of  the  Columljia  river. 

iooi,(iegiadcd,  aQy  (iiggg  acts  we,  in  substance,  allirined  that  the  country  was  vacant.     We 

mterpiise,  industrjii^^ff^i-med  the  Spanish  claim.     We  treated  it  as  a  pull' of  empty  air.     But 


J  iiav«  iiu  iiiiu  111  iJiii  u\v  11  ngiiL  lu 

.1  upon  humanitjyholly  on  our  Spanish  title;  and 
rV"q?i       ^["'''territory  amount  to  an  affirmati( 
I     c,  ^P'^'^'nnllity.     If  we  could  say,  prior 


e(  Uregon  to  t|]||r.  BucL...ian  sajSjthat  a  man  having  a  title  in  his  own  right  may  purchase 
ioaa\\ild  couniajifie  outstanding  in  the  name  of  another  person,  and  use  both.  But  we 
les  at  tiie  bottom  have  no  title  in  our  own  right  to  the  upper  part  of  Oregon.    We  there  stand 

d  our  proceedings  in  the  lower  part  of  the 

ation   that  the  Spanish   title,  as  a  whole,  is  a 

,  X      ,.»... ..J-     »«  ,.>.  ^.,.....  ^..r ,  prior  to  1SI9,  to  Spain,  that  your  title,  by  dis- 

ig  o  ^axon  race,covery  is,  in  the  valley  of  the  Columbia,  by  reason  of  our  explorations  and 

'I?  vac;  lit     to  ciigettlenients,  naught,  surely  Great  Britain  can  say  the  same,  when    that 

.        title  has  got  into  our  hands,  for  the  same  reasons,  in  regard  to  the  valley  of 

nirili  tale  which  aPrazer's river.   In  both  cases,  it  is  re-discovery , exploration, and  settlement, 

:im\  ciitiun  enteragainst  original  discovery;  and  it  is  in  both  the  indomitable   energy  of  the 

'   usually  <  Anglo  Saxon  race,  against  the  sloth  and  inertia  of  the  Spanish  character. 

lis  tlie  least.     It  Who  can  doubt  which  should  prevail?     I  have  no  dil!iculty  in  coming  to 

s  controversy  an  the  conclusion  that  our   Spanish  title  is  of  liule  won...     Possibly  some  use 

t  coast,  the  couni  can  be  made  of  it  to  fortify  our  claim   to  the  valley  of  the   Columbia;  for 

un  cluimed  the  (  that  purpose  I   am   willing  it  should  be  used.     When,  however,  this  Ad- 

(!it])ute  was  on  t  ministration  is  guilty  of  the  ultraism  of  pushing  our  claim  up  to  54°  40',  on 

Mchlt'd  the  poll  such  feeble  grounds,  every  American  citizen  has  a  right  to  complain.     Such 

iiitish  subjects  li  ^^s  not  the  course  of  Mr.  Calhoun  when  at  the  head  of  the  De))aitment  of 

or  acts  of  vjoleiir  Stale.     He  insisted  strenuously  in   our  claim  to  all  that  part  of  the  territory 

.ti\e  sul)]fcts,  ei   drained  by  the  waters  of  the  Columbia  river,  looking  obviously  to  the  par- 

'ior  the  purpose  allel  of  49^  as  tht;  basis  of  settlement.     In  his  first  statement  lie  concludes 

niry,  or  of  makii  as  follows:  "The  uiulersigned,  pleni)H)tentiary,  abstains,  for  the  present, 

from  presenting  the  claims  which  the  I'uiied   Sintes  may  have  to  other  ])or- 

tions  of  the  tenitoiy."     In   reply,  the  British  pleiiii)Otenliaiy  called  on  xMr. 

C.  (f>  deliiie  the  nature  and  e\.lent  of  such  claims,     in  answer  to  this  Mr. 

Calhoun  merely  s;iys,that  the  claims  which  the  United  States  have  toother 

portions  of  ilu!  teriiiory  "are  derived  from  SjKiin  by  the  Florida  treaty,  and 

n  the  two  pow(.    are  fouiu!  in  tho  discoveries  ami   ex})loratioiis  of  her  navigiiWjrs,  and    which 


nient  recognis 
jast  and  make  ,- 
rotary  of  Slate  ! 
ement  was  tfiii| 
kvas  abio'i-att'il 


or  ten,  twenty. 
(  this  sort  is  to 
tlemeiiis''  iinpn 
ler  the  conventi' 
abrogated  by  li 
lisliiict  aduiifii'. 


they  iiiu-i  regard  ;is  giving  ihem  a  right  to  the  e\i.ent  to  which  tlit-y  may  bo 
^lal)Iished,  imless  a  belter  can  be  opposcid."  How  guarded  is  this  language! 
The  exleiii  to  which  tlit-y  may  be  eslalilished  !  !  L'nless  a  be'lttncan  be  op- 
posed I  I  !  He  knew  well  what  could  be  opiH)sed  to  this  old  rivhvtij  Spoti- 
tsh  titit! — discoveries  by  British  navigators,  anil  explorations  and  seUlement:^ 
on  Frazcr's  river  by  British  subjects,  long  after  the  Spaniards  had  lost  all 


16 


their  rij^lus,  (if  tlioy  ever  had  any,)  by  non-usrr.  It  is  certain  that  ]\I 
(Calhoun  was  fully  roiivinced  that  our  Sp;uii:ih  title  conkl  not  stand  by  itsci 
for  on  no  other  .supposition  can  wc  account  for  liis  manner  of  treating  li 
subject. 

I  luive  iilready  ?!;iid  tliiit  neiilu'r  party  riin,  on  any  of  the  grounds  adverted  '. 
claim  tliat  tlie  territory  shoidd,  as  a  niatter  ol  strict  rij-lit,  be  divided  i)y  any  pt 
cise  hne,  hut  tliat  the  division  must  be  made  on  a  comiiromisi'  liiu':  hut  there 
a  irround  of  claim  which  will  <rive  us,  as  a  right,  the  4*.)ili  parallel,  and  that  is  ti 
principle  of  continuity,     I  think  much  more  highly  of  this  ground  of  claim  i\\ 
many  honorable  mcndjers  seem   to  think.     On   this   principle  the   line    of  i 
49  parallel,   and   our  territory  south  of  it,  and  east  of  the  Itocky  mountair 
would  be  carried  continuously  westward  to  the  Pacific  ocean.     This  doctrine 
continuity  was  distii^cdy  acknowledjjed  in  many  of  the  colonial  charters,  and 
should  at  any  rate  l)e  dear  to  the  people  of  my  State,  for  upon  the  strength  of 
we  have  accpiired,  and  are  now  enjoying,  the  benefits  of  a  magnificent  scho 
fund  of  over  $2,000,000,     By  the  ancient  charters  of  the  colony  of  (I'onnectici; 
the  first  of  which  bears  date  as  early  as  16IJ(),  the  limits  thereof  were  made 
extend  from  the  Narragansett  river,  on  the  east,  by.  the  breath  designated  "throuji 
out  the  main  lands  {herefrom  Ihc  ff'estern  orenn  to  the  South  neas.'"'     In  t! 
Connecticut,  and  several    other  charters,  the  Ih-itish    Government  asserted    tl  " 
right  to  extend,  upon  the  principle  of  continuity,  their  colonitd   possessions  i   ' 
the  Adantic  coast  across  the  continent  to  the  Pacific  ocean.     This,  in  tlu;  jutl. 
nient  of  our  Connecticut  ancestors,  was  not  a  mere  paper  title,  but  a  substanti 
right,  and    they  asserted  it  in  the    celebrated  Wyonung  settlement,  in  northe: 
Pennsylvania,  which     'as  a  Connecticut  setdement,  organized  under  tlie    a 
thority  of  our   State,  represented  in  our  State  JiCgislature,  and   protected  ar 
defended    under   commissions   emanating  from    our  government,   and    with  ;; 
the   vigor   and    heavenly  reliance    which    the  pious  Icffcnd  of   our   dag,  '•  q 
transtulit  sustinct,"  was  adajited    to   inspire.     This  right  was  further  assertt 
by  our  peoph;  in   17Sf»,  by  reserving,  from  tlie  cession  of  our   wild   lands   : 
the   United    States,    territory  in    northern    Ohio,  immediately  west  of  the  Sta 
of  Pennsylvania,  of  the  breadth  of  our  State    north    and  south,  and  extendir 
cast    and  west    one    Inindred    and    twenty   miles.      Hence,   northern    Ohio 
usually  called  the  Western  l?eserve,  or  New    Connecticut — a   country  whi;' 
was  settled  mainly  by  emigrants  from  our  Slate,  which  is  represented  on  t!: 
door    by  several    patriotic    members,    and    which    every  where    exliibits    his 
evidences  of  a    hajipy  and   prosperous  state  of  society.     It    was   by  the    siii 
of  these  reserved  lands  that   we  acquired  otir  school-fund,  which    h.is  coniet 
red  the  ricfiest  blessings  on   our  people,  and   indirectly  upon  the  whole  Union 
Having  ceded  our  wild  lands  to  tlie  Union,  we  have  had  no  occasion  to  pursu 
our  title  any  further  west  than  the  ii  'serve;  but  if  honorable  members  choose  i 
carry  our  (diartered   limits   over   the  Itocky  INIouiUains,  they  will  find   that  th' 
larger  portion  of  them  fall  within  Northern  California;  and  should  it  be  proposed 
in  the  spirit  of  the  IJaltimore  Kesolutions,  to  rc-occupij  that  country,  all  that  v 
of  (Connecticut  will  have  to  do,  will  be  to  repudiate  the  cession  of  1780,  and  en 
ter  and  take  possession  !     So  much  for  the  doctrine  of  continuity,  as  comprise 
in  the  ancient  charters  of  Connecticut,     In  addition  to  this,  it  will  lie  recollcc; 
ed,  that  great  force  wa-  given  to  the  princi|)le  of  continuity  in   the  war  of  176i 
between  (treat  Britain  and    France,  usually  called  the  old  French  war,  by  whic' 
continuity  was   made  to  over-ride  both  discovery,  exploration,  and  setdement? 
and  to  carry  the  British  possessions  over  the  Allegiiaiiies  to  tlie  Mississippi  river 
It  is  certain,  that  Mr,  Calhoun  attaches  very  consideralde   importance  to  on; 
claim  to  all  that  part  of  Oregon  situated  south  of  the  parallel  of  49,  on  the  prin- 
ciple under  consideration  ;   for,  in  treating  of  the  claim  which  France  had  to  Ore- 
gon, by  virtue  of  her  possession  of  Louisiana,  in  die  statement  marked  A,  h' 
says  : 

"  Certiiin  it  is,  tl.at  Fivaice  lu'ii  tlie  same  right  of  continuity,  in  virtue  of  her  [ossession  of 


r 


It  is  certain  that  ]\I 
I  lid  not  stand  by  itsci 
naniHjr  of  tieat'inir  t! 

le  grounds  adverted  ! 
1)0  divided   by  any  pr 
oinise  line;  hut  tiierc 
parallel,  and  that  is  ti 
is  ground  of  claim  tl; 
neiple  the   line    of  v 
the  ]{()cky  nioimtair. 
can.     This  doetrine 
■olonial  eharters,  and 
upon  the  strength  of" 
f  n  niagnilieent  scho 
colony  of  Connectiei: 
thereof  were  made 
h  designated  "throng 
'S'o?///i   .scos."     InTi 
.'eminent  asserted    t^ 
olonial   possessions  ( 
11. _    This,  in  tlie  jud; 
title,  hut  a  snhstanti 
ettlcnient,  in  northe: 
anized  under  the    a' 
re,  and   protected  ar 
rnnient,   and    with  i 
ul  of   our    dag,  '•  q; 
w;is  further  asserK 
>f  our   wild   hnnh   ; 
ely  west  of  the  Sta 
<oulh.  and  extendir 

northern    Ohio 
It — a   country  whii' 
rei)resented  on   t!: 
'lere    ex]ul)its    hii' 
It    was    by  the    sai 
Hiiich    h,is  contt- 
•  11  the  whole  Unio:; 
(•  occasion  to  pursii 
meml)ers  choose  i 
will   find   that  tli 
loulil  it  be  proposet 
country,  all  that  w 
ion  of  1786,  and  en 
inuity.  as  comprise 
it  will  he  recullec; 
in   the  war  of  176i 
eiich  war,  by  whic 
Ml.  and  settlement? 
('  Mississippi  river 
importance  to  o;;- 
of  -49,  on  the  prin- 
France  had  to  Ore- 
lent  marked  A,  h' 

'  of  Iier  possession  o; 


Louisiana,  .-mil  thr  extinaiiiishmrnt  of  tlio  ritriit  of  Er.rrlaml,  hy  tiio  treaty  of  17()3,  to  the 
■wh<>l(i  riHimry  wi  -it  of  the  Rurky  inoimtaiii.s,  ami  iyin:;  wol  uf  Limisimia,  as  iiijaiiisc 
Sjiaiii,  wliii'ii  iMigiiinil  liad  ti)  the  iouiit;-y  wcsiwaril  of  the  Al'r'jjhaiiy  iiii>uii:aiiis,  as  iij^ain.st 
France — witli  this  (iill'f rtnrc,  iliat  SiKiiii  had  noiliiii<,'  to  njiposf  to  t!ie  claim  "f  Froiicc  at  tho 
lime,  init  the  riu'lit  of  disci  iviry,  and  oven  tliat  Eii:;iaiid  has  sini'o  denied  ;  while  Fraiici;  iiad  op- 
posed t(i  the  riifht  of  I-'ni^land.  in  lier  case,  tliat  of  discovery,  ex]>loration,  and  settlement.  It  is, 
tijerefore,  not  at  all  siir]irisini,^  that  France  should  claim  the  country  west  of  the  Rol^ky  moun- 
taiMs,  (as  may  l>e  interred  from  her  maii>!.)  on  tli"  same  priui'iple  that  fireat  Britain  tia'l  claim- 
ed and  (li.s|iossessed  her  of  tiie  retrions  west  of  the  Allei'liany  ;  or  thai  the  ITniteii  Stales,  as 
SOtni  as  iIk'v  had  accpiired  'lie  riijhis  of  I'" ranee,  should  assert  the  same  claim,  and  take  mea- 
sures immediately  after  tf)  exiilore  it.  with  a  \iew  to  occujiation  and  settlement." 

In  this  form  Mr.  Calhoun  ha^,  with  snflicient  distinctness,  expressed  the 
idpiiii'in  tlnit  the  claim  by  continuity  is  superior  to  a  claim  by  mere  discovery, 
iBspeciallv  when  the  latter  is  not  consummated  in  the  proper  manner,  and  within 
a  reasonable  time.  I  therefore  arrive  al  the  conclusion,  that  upon  this  ground 
we  can  properly  claim  till  that  part  of  tlie  territory  whicli  is  situated  south  of  the 
49  degree;  but  the  same  principle  will  give  the  British  Government  all  north 
■of  the  saine  parallel.  Indeed,  the  claims  of  both  Governments — .that  of  the 
American  Government,  to  the  valley  of  the  Columbia,  by  discovery,  explora- 
tion, and  settlement,  aud  that  of  the  Hritish  (Government,  to  the  valley  of  Fra- 
zer's  river,  by  the  same  ingredients  of  title — are  irreatly  strengthened  l)y  this 
doctrine  of  continuity.  I  cannot  discover  any  plausible  excuse  for  the  extrava- 
gance of  this  .\(iministration  in  pushing  our  claim  up  to  54  degrees  40  minutes. 
This  thev  have  done  in  face  of  tour  distinct  oft'ers  hy  our  Government  to  divide 
the  territory  by  the  parallel  of  the  49th  degree,  concedinsr,  in  two  instances,  privi- 
leges important  to  Great  Britain  in  addition.  How  can  we,  under  such  circum- 
stances, claim  the  whole  territory?  Is  it  wise,  is  it  just  ?  Does  this  policy 
confortn  to  our  great  tnaxim  of  diplomacy,  not  to  claim,  in  our  intercouse  with 
foreign  powers,  any  thing  except  what  is  clearly  riirht  ?  lam  fully  convinced 
that  the  49th  parallel  is  all  that  the  true  interests  of  the  American  people  require. 
Have  gentlemen  forgotten  that  Northern  California  is  open  to  us.  and  that  we 
can  and  shall  ac(piire  it  without  committing  another  outrage  on  the  rights  of 
Mexico? 

Having  examined  tlic  <piestion  of  title,  I  am  now  prepared  to  assign  the  rea- 
sons wliv  I  cannot  vote  for  the  uiu[ualilied  proposition  of  notice  now  before  the 
committee.  The  President,  in  his  message,  takes  distincUv  the  ground  that  there 
is  an  end  of  all  negotiation;  and  that  this  Government  should  henceforth  claim 
the  whole  of  Oregon.  He  tdiaracterizes  the  demands  of  (treat  Britain  as  extra- 
ordinary, and  wholly  inadmissible.  Adding,  that  he  sees  in  the  conduct  of  that 
power  "satisfactory  evidence  that  no  compromise  which  the  I'nited  States 
outrht  to  accept  can  be  eHected."  He  then  informs  us  that  tht!  proposition 
which  he  had  caused  to  be  made  on  our  part,  and  Ahieh  (ireat  Britain  had  re- 
jected, iiad.  by  his  directions,  been  willulrawii.  Vtid,  finally,  he  concludes  in 
the  usual  stvle  of  bellicose  documents  : 


"At  tlie  end  of  tht  yenr'.s  notice,  sl'.'Hild  Conirress  think  il  jiroper  to  make  provision  for  2;iv- 
itig  that  notice,  we  shall  liiive  reached  a  period  when  the  nation, d  rii^hts  in  Orci^on  must  either 
be  aiiiuuloneil  or  firndy  niaiutanied.  That  they  caniu)t  Ix'  abandouml  witlioiU  a  sacrifice  of  na- 
tional h.)nor  and  nuerest  is  too  clear  to  admit  ofathnibt." 

So  it  is,  in  etfecl,  proposed  that  we  should  direct  the  notice  to  be  given,  to  en- 
able the  President  to  iri'usp  the  wiiole  of  Oregon — or,  in  t)ther  words,  that  we 
should  co-operate  with  the  Executive  in  invHlving  this  Ueptiblic,  at  the  end  of 
twelve  mmiths,  if  not  sooner,  in  a  desolating  war  with  (Great  Britain. 

Mr.  Chairman,  1  cannot  so  co-operate.  I  can  have  no  agency  in  producing  a 
collision  between  the  two  po\\  ers  in  the  existing  posture  of  the  subject.  If  the 
Ailministration  would  say  to  lis,  that  we  ilesire  to  resume  the  negotiation  on  the 
basis  of  compromise,  and  lo  pursue  it  in  the  spirit  of  peace.  I  would  vote  the 
notice.  But  on  the  record  the  President,  in  sid)stance,  stands  committed  to  a 
Hvar  with  (Great  Britain.  I  purposely  refer  to  the  record,  as  I  shall  directly  in- 
sist that  the  conduct  of  the  Executive  has  been  so  extraordinary  and  so  equivo- 
cal, Uiat  no  one  can  tell  precisely  what  his  policy  is,  or  will  be.     But  I  choose 


18 


to  take  him,  for  the  prcpcnt,  as  he  presenfs  liimself  to  the  country  and  the  worlt 
in  his  message.  The  ideas  there  grouped  are:  "no  compromise  which  th( 
United  States  ought  to  accrept  can  Le  efTccted — I  have  withdrawn  the  proposi 
tion  whicli  I  made  in  deference  to  my  predecessors — I  now  go  for  the  wholf 
territory,  it  is  ours  by  clear  and  unquesiionable  right,  wliich  cannot  be  surrenUer 
ed  without  dishonor."  The  President  desires  us  lo  invest  him  with  the  powei 
of  notice,  to  the  end  that  he  may,  at  the  expiration  of  twelve  months,  take  pos. 
session  of  the  whole  country,  or,  in  other  words,  make  war  on  Great  Britain.  I 
am  amazed  to  hear  genil'^men  aver  that  even  a  forcible  seizure  of  the  whole  coun 
try  will  not  involve  the  United  States  in  a  war  with  that  power.  I  am  as  certain 
we  shall  have  war,  if  we  pueh  our  claim  to  that  extremity,  as  if  we  were  to  send 
a  fleet  of  steamers  into  the  Thames  to  capture  the  palace  of  St.  James.  1  admii 
that  giving  the  notice  is  not  per  se  a  belligerent  act — it  furnishes  no  casus  belli, 
for  it  is  a  right  secured  by  treaty — but  I  object  to  voting  the  notice  in  connexion 
with  the  declared  purpose  of  the  Executive  to  lay  hold  of  the  whole  of  Oregon.  Sc 
I  insist  the  matter  stands  on  the  record.  If  the  President  is  right  in  the  assertion 
that  we  in  truth  and  in  fact  own  the  whole  territoiy,  then,  the  moment  the  treaty 
is  abrogated,  it  will  become  his  sworn  duty  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  United  by 
States  over  the  whole  of  Oregon;  and  that  I  maintain  is  war  I — open,  flagrant  wai 
war.  You  will  in  effect  invest  the  President  witb  the  power  to  bring  tiie  ques- 
tion in  dispute,  at  any  moment  he  pleases  after  the  treaty  is  annulled,  to  the  ar- 
bitrament of  the  sword.  I  will  not  consent  to  part  with  the  war  power,  if  giving 
the  notice  is  an  exercise  of  thai  power,  as  many  insist,  in  the  form  of  a  notice 
to  quit  to  be  served  on  Great  Britain.  This  power  is  a  trust  involving  every 
iiiing  dear  and  sacred  to  men,  which  the  Constitution  has  wisely  put  into  the 
hands  of  Congress,  and  which  should  be  guarded  with  ceaseless  vigilance. 

But  suppose  we  look  out  of  the  record  ;  how  does  the  matter  then  stand  ?  Can 
any  honorable  member  tell  us  what  is  the  real  policy  of  this  Administration  ? 
Is  it  their  purpose  irrevocably  to  stand  on  the  parallel  of  54  deg.  40  min.  1 
must  confess,  that  their  conduct  has  been  so  inconsistent,  I  fmd  it  impossible  to 
form  any  satisfactory  opinion  on  the  subject.  Without  dwelling  on  the  incon- 
sistency of  claiming  at  one  moment  the  whole  territory,  and  at  the  next  of  offer- 
ing to  surrender  one  half  of  it  to  Great  Britain,  what  are  we  to  think  of  tlie  fact 
of  their  recommending  no  measures  to  strengthen  either  the  defences  or  the 
finances  of  the  country  I  The  appropriations  suggested  by  the  department  are 
all  peace  appropriations.  Our  army  is  a  skeleton — our  fortifications  are  unarm- 
ed and  unmanned — and  our  navy  (in  comparison  with  that  of  Great  Britain)  is 
insignificant.  I  knew  it  is  said  that  a  republic  can  never  prepare  for  war  till  af- 
ter it  breaks  nut.  If  by  this  it  be  meant  that  we  cannot  in  peace  be  prepared  for 
an  aggressive  war,  I  admit  it;  but  we  can,  and  should,  in  critical  circumstances, 
prepare  in  advance  for  a  defensive  war.  If  I  knew  that  this  Administration  are 
resolved  to  exclude  Great  Britain  wholly  from  Oregon,  I  would,  if  I  could,  in- 
stantly put  every  thing  on  die  war  establit'hment.  The  whole  energies  of  the 
American  people,  and  resources  of  our  vast  country,  should  be  colisecrated  to 
that  object.  I  should  deem  it  to  be  an  imperative  duly  to  augment  greatly  the 
resources  of  the  treasury;  for  money,  after  all,  is  the  sinews  of  war.  We  should 
place  the  credit  of  the  republic  on  high  ground,  and  the  Government  beyond  the 
possibility  of  financial  disgrace.  We  have  men  in  abundance,  brave,  i  airiotic, 
and  devoted;  but  we  should  be  in  a  condition  to  command  the  entire  pecuniary 
means  of  our  own  country,  and,  if  need  be,  of  continental  Europe.  I  should 
be  prepared,  in  such  case,  to  come  into  this  Hall  and  here  encamp  till  these  ob- 
jects are  accomplished.  But  tliis  Administration,  so  far  from  strengthening  the 
finances,  (as,  for  example,  by  laying  duties  on  the  free  articles,  such  as  tea  and 
coffee,)  propose  to  tjive  them  a  fatal  blow  by  the  overthrow  of  the  present 
tariff;  and  not  only  that,  but  to  rush  us  into  a  war  with  Great  Britain  on  a  sub- 
treaaury  scheme  !  An  independent  treasury!  AVhat  a  glorious  engine  of  war! 
Why,  your  war  would  not  be  declared  diree  months  before  your  Governmenl 


wot 
atel 

8tO| 

hav 
mai 
for 
oft 
wit 
met 
ficu 
wit 
I 
thri 
wit 
nor 
cou 


litii 
a  C; 

1 

cos 

al, 

the 

see 

agr 

Ih  ( 

of 

ihii 

Ad 

but 

ny 
del 
ma 
ins 
spi 
est 
ble 
mt 

CO] 

in 
tal 
pa 
pu 
tia 
re 
be 

to 
if 
th 


k*    M 


try  and  tlie  worli 
omise  which  th( 
wn  ilie  proposi 
go  for  the  vvliolf 
inol  be  surrender 
n  with  the  pow(  i 
nonths,  take  pos- 
Oreat  Britain.     I 
if'tlie  wliole  conn 
I  am  as  certain 
we  were  to  send 
James.     I  admi; 
es  no  casus  beUi, 
tice  in  connexion 
ole  of  Oregon.  So 
U  in  the  assertion 
moment  the  treaty 
vvs  of  the  United 
I — open,  flagrani 
to  bring  the  ques- 
nnulled,  to  the  ar- 
r  power,  if  giving 
form  of  a  notice 
5t  involving  every 
'isely  put  into  the 
is  vigilance, 
then  stand  ?   Can 
Administration  ? 
deg.  40  min.     I 
id  it  impossible  to 
ng  on   the  incon- 
the  next  of  offer- 
•  think  of  the  fact 
e  defences  or  the 
e   department  are 
nations  are  unarm- 
Great  Britain)  is 
are  for  war  till  af- 
e  be  prepared  for 
:al  circumstances, 
administration  are 
d,  if  I  could,  in- 
I  energies  of  the 
e  consecrated  to 
ment  greatly  the 
var.     We  should 
ment  beyond  the 
brave,  j  atriotic, 
entire  pt^cuniary 
irope.     I  should 
imp  till  these  ob- 
trengthening  the 
such  as  tea  and 
'  of  tlie  present 
Britain  on  a  sub- 
3  engine  of  war! 
)ur  Oiovernmeni 


19 

would  have  to  reijiolve  itself  into  a  B;nik  of  the  United  Slates.  It  would  immedi- 
ately commence  issuing  treasury  notes.  Most,  if  not  all  the  Stale  banks,  would 
stop  specie  payments,  anil  sbin-{)bisters  would  cover  lh(!  land,  [f  we  an*  to 
have  a  war,  I  sliall,  myself,  l)e  in  favor  of  a  metallic  currency,  bul  it  will  coiisiist 
mainly  of  lead  and  iron;  and  you  will  need  a  pretty  sood  sup[)ly  of  paper,  if 
for  no  other  purpose,  at  any  rate  for  wadding  besides,  what  are  we  to  think 
of  the  imprudence  of  this  Admiuisiralioii,  ol' involving  the  country  in  a  coiitlicl 
with  Great  Britain,  while  our  controversy  with  Mexico  is  unsettled  ?  The  mo- 
ment I  ascertained  the  position  of  this  Orciicn  question,  I  predicted  that  the  dit'- 
ficulties  with  Mexico  would  never  be  settled  until  we  effected  an  adjuslujeni 
with  Great  Britain. 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  policy  of  this  Administration  ia  adapted  to  bring  on  us 
three  wars  at  one  and  the  same  time.  1,  A  war  with  Great  Britain.  2.  A  war 
with  Mexico.  And  3.  A  war  with  all  the  Indian  tribes  on  our  western  and 
northwestern  frontier.  And  if  to  these  we  add  a  war  on  the  industry  of  the 
country  by  a  destruction  of  the  existing  beneficent  tariff,  a  war  on  the  currency 
by  the  re-enactment  of  an  oppressive  sub-treasury  scheme,  and  also  a  servile 
war,  (which  some  gentlemen  seem  to  anticipate,)  we  shall  introduce  into  the  po- 
litical caldron  the  elements  of  innumerable  evils;  and  if  it  does  not  prove  to  be 
a  case  of"  toil  and  trouble"  to  the  American  people,  I  shall  be  greatly  mistaken. 
I  am  sensible  that  it  is  useless  for  me  to  stop  for  a  moment  to  calculate  the 
cost  of  such  a  contest.  It  is  useless  to  speak  of  the  destruction  of  credit,  nation- 
al, state,  and  private — of  the  interruption  of  our  works  of  internal  improvement, 
the  annihilation  of  our  commerce,  the  prostration  of  our  manufactures,  (for  it 
seems  we  are  to  have  war  and  free-trade  combined,)  and  the  overthrow  of  our 
agricultural  interests — of  the  multitude  made  poor' and  the  few  rich — of  tay"tion 
in  every  form — of  a  crushing  national  debt,  and  of  the  thousands,  if  not  hundreds 
of  thousands,  who  will  be  sent  to  a  premature  grave,  because  the  answer  to  all 
this  will  be,  in  the  language  of  the  honorable  member  from  Massachusetts,  (Mr. 
Adams,)  ''the  tear  will  be  a  short  and  a  glorious  warJ'^  I  believe  in  the  glory, 
but  not  in  the  item  oi  brevity. 

In  conclusion,  I  wish  to  notice  for  a  moment  what  has  been  said  on  the  desti- 
ny of  this  great  republic.  The  most  gorgeous  pictures  have  been  drawn  in  this 
debate  of  that  destiny.  It  has  been  assumed  as  a  certain  fact,  that  we  are  to  re- 
main a  free  and  a  united  people — that  a  vast  popul  ition,  under  the  eegis  of  our 
institutions,  is  to  pour  across  this  continent,  and,  reaching  the  Pacific,  is  to 
spread  up  and  down  the  coast,  everywhere  building  up  cities  and  villages,  and 
establishing  the  seals  of  commerce  and  the  arts,  and  spreading  everywhere  the 
blessings  of  republicanism,  civilization,  and  Christianity.  But  honorable  gentle- 
men must  not  forget  that  these  glorious  results  can  be  attained  only  on  certain 
conditions,  the  principal  of  which  are  public  and  private  virtue.  If  we  rejoice 
in  the  prospects  before  us,  let  us  rejoice  with  fear  and  trembling.  Let  us  under- 
take at  once  the  purification  of  public  morals — let  us  crush  at  once  the  monster 
party  and  the  infamy  of  spoils — let  us  introduce  more  disinterestedness  into  our 
public  councils,  spread  eve  y  where  the  blessings  of  education  and  of  sound  chris- 
tian principles,  and  especially  let  us  keep  clear  of  that  greatest  of  all  ciirses  to 
republics,  unuecessary  wars,  and  tlien  the  brilliant  anticipations  adverted  to  may 
be  realized. 

Having  thus  given  a  faithful  exposition  of  my  views,  I  must  commit  the  resuii 
to  the  Executive,  to  the  judgment  of  Congress,  and  to  an  overruling  Providence; 
if  it  shall  he  a  pacific  result,  I  shall  rejoice — but  if  otherwise,  we  must  stand  by 
the  country,  and  every  man,  in  his  proper  place  and  station,  must  do  his  duty. 


